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THE INTERPRETATION OF AMIR TEMUR'S MILITARY CAMPAIGNS
IN THE WORK “ALANCHUQ: A STRONG FORTRESS IN THE MIDDLE
AGES” BY TURKISH RESEARCHER ENSAR MAJIT
Khumoyun Mamajonov
PhD student at Fergana State University
+998990079508
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.16602387
Abstract:
This article analyzes the views of the Turkish researcher Ensar
Majit on Amir Temur's military operations in capturing fortresses, as presented
in his work “Alanchuq: A Strong Fortress in the Middle Ages.
Key words and phrases:
Alanchuq, Ensar Majit, fortress, Amir Temur,
Jalayirids, Qara Qoyunlu, Ibn Arabshah, Khandamir, Nakhchivan, Khwaja Jawhar
Khadim, defense, Miranshah, Abdurazzaq Samarqandi, strategic, fortified,
military campaign, negotiation, Muhammad Darvish Barlas.
In his book "A Stronghold from the Middle Ages: Alanchuq", Ensar Majit
discusses the history of how the Alanchuq fortress came under the control of the
Timurids
1
. The author describes the Alanchuq fortress as one of the most
fortified strongholds of the Middle Ages, located in the east of Nakhichevan, on a
high mountain at the upper course of the Alanchuq River
2
. The author notes that
Amir Temur first attempted to capture this fortress during his three-year
military campaigns. At that time, the Alanchuq fortress was under the control of
the Jalayirids, and when Amir Temur's forces made their first attempt to seize
the fortress in 1387, the defense was led by Khoja Javhar Khadim
3
. According to
the author, Amir Temur’s forces successfully captured the lower part of the
fortress. As a result, the fortress was left without water, prompting Khoja Javhar
to begin negotiations with Amir Temur and express willingness to surrender.
However, a sudden and heavy rain resolved the fortress’s water shortage
problem, and the defenders, breaking their promise, refused to surrender. Due
to the necessity of campaigning against the Qara Qoyunlu, Amir Temur
delegated the task of capturing the fortress to Muhammad Mirak, son of Sher
Bahrom, and Uchqora Bahadir
4
.
It can be added to the author’s views that the location of the Alanchuq
fortress in the eastern part of Nakhchivan, in the upper reaches of the Alanchuq
River, turned it into a naturally protected area. This positioning allowed the
fortress not only to serve defensive purposes but also to control regional trade
and military routes. Moreover, by capturing this stronghold, the Timurids could
have used it as a key base for military campaigns into the Transcaucasian region.
1
Ensar Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak, Kitabevi Yayinlari, 2022, 174 S.
2
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 17-18.
3
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 51.
4
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 52-53.
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Considering the above-mentioned factors, it is likely that Amir Temur was firmly
determined to subjugate this fortress.
According to Ensar Majit, the reason why Alanchuq Fortress was not
captured by Amir Temur on the first attempt was due to its geographically
unfavorable location, the unexpected strong resistance from the fortress
defenders, and the fact that the Sahibqiran was forced to change the direction of
his military campaign
5
. Indeed, the Alanchuq Fortress was located in a
mountainous, steep, and elevated area within the Nakhchivan region, making it a
naturally fortified strategic point. Surrounded on all four sides by mountains, the
fortress was difficult to approach and strike, limiting the enemy's ability to
launch an effective attack. In the medieval period, naturally protected fortresses
played a crucial role not only from a defensive standpoint but also in
maintaining the regional balance of political power. In this regard, the Alanchuq
Fortress served as a strategically important center.
In 1394, a second attempt was made to capture the Alanchuq fortress. The
author, relying on the information provided by Ibn Arabshah, notes that at that
time the fortress was commanded by Amir Altun, one of the experienced
military leaders. To seize Alanchuq, Amir Temur first sent Muhammad Darvish
Barlos, and later his son Miranshah. The author states that the fact that Amir
Temur sent Hoji Aqbuqa as additional support after some time indicates that the
capture of the fortress was proving to be significantly more difficult than
expected
6
. The author notes that Amir Temur’s prominent commanders, Amir
Sulton Sanjar and Hoji Sayfiddin, surrounded the fortress with a high wall in
order to completely cut it off from external resources. As a result, just when the
surrender of the fortress seemed almost certain, Sayyid Ali Arlat, the ruler of
Sheki, who had allied himself with the King of Georgia, came to the aid of the
defenders in hopes of gaining the wealth inside the fortress
7
. As a result, this
attempt to capture the fortress also ended in failure.
The analysis of the above historical event shows that the conquest of the
Alanchuq Fortress was of great strategic and military importance for Amir
Temur; however, achieving this goal turned out to be significantly more
complicated than expected. The fact that Amir Temur first sent Muhammad
Darvish Barlos, then his son Mironshoh, and later dispatched Hoji Oqboʻgʻa as
reinforcements indicates a gradual intensification of military efforts and signals
the strength of the resistance. In particular, the action taken by Amir Sulton
Sanjar and Hoji Sayfiddin to encircle the fortress with a high wall to cut off all
external supplies reflects a strategy aimed at forcing the fortress into surrender
through a prolonged siege. However, even this approach proved insufficient, as
an unexpected development occurred — Sheki ruler Sayyid Ali Arlot, who had
formed an alliance with the King of Georgia and was lured by the wealth of the
5
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 53.
6
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 60-61.
7
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 71.
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fortress, came to the defenders’ aid. This intervention illustrates how political
alliances and economic interests directly influenced the outcomes of wars in that
period. Therefore, in this case, Amir Temur’s military strength and strategy
alone were not enough; external factors — including alliances, interests, and the
opponent’s internal and economic resources significantly strengthened the
resistance. Military success thus emerges not only from force and tactics but also
within a complex system shaped by external political factors, economic interests,
and the resource capacities of adversaries.
Ensar Majit writes that from the year 1401, Amir Temur seriously began
efforts to capture the Alanchuq fortress. In order to seize this defiant stronghold
and continue the Georgian campaign, he mobilized several prominent emirs,
including Mirzo Sultan Husayn, Mirzo Pir Muhammad Umar Shaykh, Mirzo
Abubakr, Amir Jahonshoh, Haji Aqbo‘gha, Sayyid Haji Shaykh Bahodir, and
others. According to the author, the fortress, which had been under siege for 14
years, had become exhausted, and along with all other resources, the number of
soldiers had significantly declined. As a result, in 1401, the fortress commander
Sayyid Ahmad Og‘ulshoh surrendered and handed over the keys of the fortress
to the Timurid forces
8
.
The author notes that the duration of the fortress’s conquest is reported
differently in various sources: Yazdi, Abdurazzaq Samarqandi, and Khwandamir
mention 10 years, while Schiltberger states 16 years. However, the author
emphasizes that it actually took 14 years to capture the fortress
9
. The author
states that this unconquered fortress aroused great interest in Amir Temur, and
that during his campaign in Georgia, he visited the fortress and carefully
examined its unique features
10
.
As noted by Ensar Majit, the fact that the process of capturing this fortress
took 14 years confirms its strategic importance for the Timurids. The
mobilization of Amir Temur’s most trusted commanders—Mirzo Sultan Husayn,
Mirzo Pir Muhammad Umar Shaykh, Mirzo Abubakr, Amir Jahonshoh, and
others—for the conquest of the fortress, as well as its eventual surrender at a
time when its resources were depleted and its defense forces had weakened,
indicates that the long-term siege and resource-blocking strategy proved
effective. Furthermore, the varying accounts in different sources regarding the
duration of the conquest (10, 14, or 16 years) demonstrate the need for
relativity and caution in analyzing historical sources, and highlight the
importance of comparative analysis of multiple records to form a clearer picture
of historical events. Amir Temur’s personal visit to the fortress during his
Georgian campaign and his careful examination of its features suggest that this
fortress was not only a military-political objective but also a site of personal
interest for him. Based on this, the historical significance of the Alanchuq
8
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 76-77.
9
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 76.
10
Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak...S. 78.
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fortress lies not only in its geographical or military value, but also in its
connection to Timurid military policy, reflecting aspects of long-term strategic
planning, persistence, and the role of historical memory.
Ensar Majit’s work “Alanchuq: A Fortified Castle of the Middle Ages”
provides an in-depth analysis of Amir Temur’s 14-year-long military campaign
to capture the Alanchuq fortress. The book vividly illustrates the fortress’s
strategic importance, the complexity of the campaign, as well as Temur’s
perseverance and military expertise. This highlights that, in Amir Temur’s
campaigns, strength was accompanied by long-term planning and a diplomatic
approach, both of which played a crucial role.
List of References:
1. Ensar Macit, Ortaçağda müstahkem bir kale Alıncak, Kitabevi Yayinlari, 2022,
174 S.
2. Aka, İsmail, “Timurlular”, DİA, XXXXI, İstanbul 2012, 177-180.
3. Aka, İsmail,, “Timurlular”, Türkler, Ankara 2002, VIII, 517-533.
4. Akbıyık, Hayrunnisa Alan, “Timur’un Toktamış Üzerine Seferleri ve Altın
Orda’nın Yıkılması Meselesi”, Bilig, Ankara (Güz) 2003, 27, 117-154.
5. Alan, Hayrunnisa, (2009), “Muizzü’l-ensab’ın Timurlu Teşkilâtı Tarihi
Bakımından Değerli”, Timur Dönemi ve Sonrası Kaynak Araştırmaları
Sempozyumu 13-19 Temmuz 2009, Ankara, ss.527-548.
6. Alan, Hayrunnisa, ( 2015), “Bozkırdan Cennet Bahçesine (1360-1506)”,
İstanbul: Ötüken Yay.
7. Alan, Hayrunnisa, (Yaz 2004), “Timurluların Bilim ve Sanata Yaklaşımları ve
Bazı son Dönem Sanatkârları”, Bilig Dergisi, S. 30, ss. 151-171..