Volume 03 Issue 11-2023
20
International Journal Of Literature And Languages
(ISSN
–
2771-2834)
VOLUME
03
ISSUE
11
Pages:
20-27
SJIF
I
MPACT
FACTOR
(2021:
5.
705
)
(2022:
5.
705
)
(2023:
6.
997
)
OCLC
–
1121105677
Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
ABSTRACT
The works of ethnographers and archaeologists used as primary sources while working on the article were analyzed.
KEYWORDS
Karakalpaks, Uzbeks, Turkic peoples, ethnogenesis, housing, livestock farming, tax.
INTRODUCTION
According to the received historical data, at the end of
the 16th and 18th centuries, the majority of
Karakalpaks lived in the middle and lower reaches of
the Syrdarya. In the 17th century and until the middle
of the 18th century, the Karakalpaks of Syrdarya lived
under the siege of Kazakhs, and their political and
economic situation depended on the Kazakh khans.
But it differs strongly from Kazakhs in terms of
economic management. Kazakhs were engaged in
nomadic cattle breeding, while Karakalpaks had a semi-
nomadic lifestyle and engaged in animal husbandry,
farming and fishing.
The natural conditions of the area where the
Karakalpaks live are also whimsical, so the Karakalpaks
living in these conditions, unlike the Kazakhs, did not
have the opportunity to engage only in cattle breeding
or farming. Their natural geographical conditions allow
for the simultaneous development of farming, fishing
and animal husbandry in these lands. Grain farming is
well developed in Karakalpaks the grain they grew not
only satisfied their own needs, they exchanged grain
with the Kazakhs for livestock. Another group of
Karakalpaks was engaged in animal husbandry. There
was also a difference between their husbandry and
Kazakh husbandry. Cattle breeding of Kazakhs requires
Research Article
LAND OWNERSHIP RELATIONS BASED ON THE NATIONAL ECONOMY
OF KARAKALPAK
Submission Date:
November08, 2023,
Accepted Date:
November 13, 2023,
Published Date:
November 18, 2023
Crossref doi:
https://doi.org/10.37547/ijll/Volume03Issue11-04
Sayfutdinov Feruz Ilniyozovich
History Teacher At The "History And Philology" Department Of The International University Of Asia,
Uzbekistan
Journal
Website:
https://theusajournals.
com/index.php/ijll
Copyright:
Original
content from this work
may be used under the
terms of the creative
commons
attributes
4.0 licence.
Volume 03 Issue 11-2023
21
International Journal Of Literature And Languages
(ISSN
–
2771-2834)
VOLUME
03
ISSUE
11
Pages:
20-27
SJIF
I
MPACT
FACTOR
(2021:
5.
705
)
(2022:
5.
705
)
(2023:
6.
997
)
OCLC
–
1121105677
Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
migration in all four seasons of the year. Karakalpaks
were only engaged in ungulates. If they were grazed in
the summer, fodder would be prepared for the winter.
This connected animal husbandry with agriculture. In
turn, cattle were used for tillage.
The Karakalpaks engaged in fishing exchanged fish for
grain with the Karakalpaks engaged in agriculture.
Such complex management of their economy is also
reflected in folk proverbs: "Ush ay saun, ush ay kaun,
ush ay kabagim, ush ay shabagim say ush ay saun, ush
ay kabagim, ush ay shabagim, we are eating." Trade
also plays a major role in the life of Karakalpaks. They
exchanged grain for livestock with the Kazakhs.
Karakalpak merchants acted as brokers between
Bukhara and Kazakh khans. They also traded with the
Uzbeks of the island and Khiva, while Karakalpak
merchants were also in Russian cities. According to
some Russian sources, in the 30s of the 18th century,
they themselves took lead and made bullets from it.
They also prepared gunpowder to sell to Kazakhs.
Even after the Karakalpak people moved to the
territory of Khorezm, they drained the barren dry and
marshy lands where they lived, built irrigation canals,
built dams and other water structures, and agriculture
developed as the main branch of the Karakalpak
economy . As we said above, the three oases of Kallikul,
Kushkhana tov and Kegeili are formed on the left bank
of the Amudarya below the channels of Lavzon,
Chonlibosuv, Shumonoy, Kiyotjorgan. On the right
bank of the Amudarya, to the west-north of the
present Chimboy, in the vicinity of the former Uzbek
farming district, Karaboyli, the Kushkhanatov oasis was
created, which is irrigated by the water of the
Karaboyli, a natural branch of the Amudarya. Its water
comes from Churtonboy, Eshon, Arziboy, Tillaboy,
Biyjon, Elgeldijob and other streams A.V. According to
Kaulbarsi, the Kushkhanatov lowland was considered a
dark, bloody, Kipchak district of northern Khorezm in
the 1930s and 1950s.
At the end of the 19th century, the Kegaili oasis became
a large agricultural district in northern Khorezm.
The dependence of the Karakalpaks on the Khanate of
Khiva, which is considered one of the largest feudal
states of Central Asia, forced them to follow the
economic and political system of the Khanate. Their
agrarian relations have changed.
S.K. Kamalov in the 20-60s of the 19th century put an
end to the wars between peoples with the
centralization of power by the Khiva Khans in the socio-
economic system of the Karakalpaks, the development
of irrigation works and agriculture, especially their
(Karakalpaks') neighborhood with the Uzbeks -
Khorezm people, who have been engaged in
agriculture since ancient times. caused immediate
development of agriculture.
Feudal land ownership in the Karakalpaks is closely
related to the feudal land ownership of Central Asian
khanates, mainly Khiva Khanate, which prevailed in the
19th and early 20th centuries. Russian scientists and
travelers - N.N. Muravev, M.I. Ivanin, G.I. Danilevsky,
Ya. Kilevein, A.L. Coon, L.F. Some information is given
in the works and memoirs of Kostenko, N. I.
Veselovsky, Girshfeld and M. N. Galkin, O. Shkapsky, V.
Lobachevsky, A. V. Kaulbars.
However, since those authors were officials of tsarist
Russia, representatives of the bourgeois class, their
writings were of a tendentious nature. Historians and
orientalists have studied the history of Khiva Khanate
socio-economic and political history, including
important issues such as the structure of the feudal
Volume 03 Issue 11-2023
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International Journal Of Literature And Languages
(ISSN
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2771-2834)
VOLUME
03
ISSUE
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Pages:
20-27
SJIF
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MPACT
FACTOR
(2021:
5.
705
)
(2022:
5.
705
)
(2023:
6.
997
)
OCLC
–
1121105677
Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
state and land ownership on factual basis. The well-
known Orientalist historian Professor P.P. Ivanov,
Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR
M.Y. The companions found the archive of the Khans
of Khiva, and based on the materials in it, created
important works that broadly covered the above
issues.
In fact, in the 19th century, only the book "Amu Darya
Ochyerkary" by O. Shkapsky was available on land
ownership and land tax in the Khiva Khanate. This book
is characterized by rich factual materials. O.Shkapsky
gave extensive information about the Amudarya
section, especially the geographical location of the
Shorakhan section, the natural conditions of farming,
farming tools, irrigation facilities. . At the same time, he
explained the land ownership and tax system in the
Khiva Khanate. Shkapsky briefly describes the plight of
farmers in the Amudarya region. However, despite the
importance of the work, the issue of feudal land
ownership in the Khanate of Khiva and Karakalpaks
was not fully resolved in the work due to the presence
of shortcomings regarding the issues raised in it. About
Shkapsky's book, every researcher who has read M. Y.
Yoldoshev's works can see its shortcomings. For
example, although he divides the ownership of land in
the Shorokhan section into three, but in explaining
them, he mixes royal (state) land with property-land.
Property divides land into freehold and deeded
property, depending on whether or not the tax is
levied.
Titled property is the property of individuals with a
state-issued title for private ownership of land.
Labeled property owners did not pay taxes. Otom Mulk
was in the hands of Khan's neighbors, big officials,
who, although considered excellent, paid a small tax
on the land.
In general, Otoyi notes that the tax collected from
property owners was very small, but in some places
they were exempt from taxation. From this
information of Shkapsky comes the conclusion that the
owners of freehold land were generally exempted
from taxation. Lands that Shkapsky Otoyi considered
to be property also had a label indicating their
ownership in the galas (in the khan's roommates or
officials). Tax-exempt personal property is similar to
labeled property in this respect. Therefore, the
presence or absence of a label cannot be the basis for
dividing land into categories as shown by Shkapsky.
According to the archive materials, the khan's
relatives, high-ranking officials, some priests,
servicemen (horsemen and some persons) who served
the khan were exempted from taxes.
He had special labels about him. Such persons are
called label holders. The land in their possession is not
labeled property, it is either private property land, or
state land, or else it is considered waqf land.
The information provided by P.P. Ivanov about
agrarian relations in Khiva Khanate is significant. He
was the first to come to the conclusion that the Khans
of Khiva had their own private lands, and he proved his
opinion on the basis of documents from the archives of
the Khans of Khiva. P.P. Ivanov wrote in his article
"Thus, our document characterizes clan ownership of
land among the Karakalpak people in one of the most
important districts of the Amudarya delta", and in his
article "New information about the Karakalpaks" he
described the agrarian relations of Uzbeks in Khiva and
other Central Asian districts. as we study, we see that
Volume 03 Issue 11-2023
23
International Journal Of Literature And Languages
(ISSN
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2771-2834)
VOLUME
03
ISSUE
11
Pages:
20-27
SJIF
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MPACT
FACTOR
(2021:
5.
705
)
(2022:
5.
705
)
(2023:
6.
997
)
OCLC
–
1121105677
Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
there is a clan-community form, like among the
Karakalpaks. However, this difference is that this form
of land ownership almost disappeared in Uzbek
districts at the beginning of the 19th century, giving
way to official, large landowners or state ownership. In
the districts of Karakalpak, clan-communal land
ownership was preserved in one form or another until
the beginning of the second half of the 19th century. In
the middle of the 19th century, the ownership rights of
the tribal clan community to the land and pastures
consisted only of a fake formality, and in practice all the
arable lands were owned by the feudal clan chiefs.
These data are valuable information for characterizing
land ownership in the Khanate of Khiva, including
Karakalpaks.
In the Khanate of Khiva, there were three different
forms of feudal oppression: material, natural and
coercive. Material oppression includes the land tax
known as "solgit" and the property and livestock tax
known as "zakat". Property tax was imposed on
ordinary peasants as well as large and medium-sized
landowners. Tax payers were divided into three
different categories: those who owned more than ten
tons of land had to pay three golds, those who owned
up to ten tons of land paid two golds, those who
owned up to five tons of land paid one gold, and those
who did not own land paid one gold. At the same time,
high nobles and religious leaders were exempted from
taxes.
After the Karakalpaks settled in the Amudarya delta,
Muhammad Rahimkhan demanded that they pay taxes
in the same way as the indigenous population, since
they could not take ownership of their land. He could
not afford to pay such a tax. As a result, conflicts began
to arise between tax collectors and Karakalpaks.
Muhammed Rahimkhan demanded that Karakalpaks
pay 20,000 gold each year in order to end these
conflicts. This type of tax was also called "tax-cut", as
well as payment based on the agreement.
The Karakalpaks paid zakat in addition to the harvest.
It consisted of five golds for forty camels, horses, and
cattle, and 10 abbos (one abbos is equal to 25 silver
coins) for forty sheep. Owners of large livestock used
to cheat in various ways and put most of the zakat on
the poor. Karakalpaks engaged in farming on the lands
of the Khanate paid two bushels of grain for tax,
regardless of the size of the land, which was
considered a natural tax. In addition to the above
taxes, "usir" (a part of the harvest) was collected from
the local religious leaders of Karakalpak landowners,
and a separate tax "tunupuli" (payment for firewood)
was collected for benefiting from the forests.
The entire burden of taxes falls on the shoulders of
hard-working Karakalpaks, nobles and religious leaders
are exempt from taxes.
Karakalpaks were also involved in forced labor (digging
ditches in the khanate, adjusting bridges, straightening
and adjusting dams on the Amudarya, etc.). Each
landlord had to earn 12 days per worker per year.
Workers who adjust bridges are called "bridgemen",
and those who clean canals are called "diggers". In one
year, 27,079 people were involved in these activities, of
which 6,000 were from Karakalpaks.
Another feudal obligation was that the residents of
Karakalpak had to feed 12,000 serfs serving in the
khan's army. This cost them 100-140 thousand gold in
1874. In wars, Karakalpak military detachments were
led by biys, batirs and centurions. During the war, they
received 4 times more wages than during the
Volume 03 Issue 11-2023
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(ISSN
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2771-2834)
VOLUME
03
ISSUE
11
Pages:
20-27
SJIF
I
MPACT
FACTOR
(2021:
5.
705
)
(2022:
5.
705
)
(2023:
6.
997
)
OCLC
–
1121105677
Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
peacetime due to the increase in taxes of Karakalpak
workers. Khan officials "koshbegi" and "mehtar" were
engaged in tax collection. Koshbegis collected taxes
from the Karakalpaks on the left bank, and Mehtars
from the right banks. They were not rewarded by the
Khan of Khiva for this service. During the collection of
taxes, they tried to make a living with various vices and
lived on them. Tax collectors used to bribe. Elders got
rid of paying taxes by giving bribes to biy and atalik,
and biy and atalik paid bribes to beklarbegi, koshbegi,
and mehtar, and in return, the share of the tax they had
to pay fell on the working population.
Zakat was collected by "bojmans" and 10% of the
collected tax was kept by the khan. Judges also took
part in collecting zakat. Grain tax was collected by
"mushrifs". The grain collected by them was given to
koshbegi and mehtars, and they delivered it to the
khan's palace. The forced labor tax was controlled by
koshbegi and mehtars, especially cleaning the canals
was very difficult, as a result of which people fell ill. For
every event held by the khanate, the khans and fathers
paid bribes to the khan. And this was collected from
ordinary workers. The addition of such levies on top of
the already collected taxes was a double robbery of the
Mekhnatkas (by the Khans of Khiva and by their own
feudal lords), which infuriated them even more.
CONCLUSION
To sum up, there are a lot of special characteristics of
land relations of Karakalpaks. The uniqueness of the
geographical area where Karakalpaks live is the reason
why the population differs from other regions of the
region in terms of land relations.
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