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THE WESTERN SUFI IS A SOCIAL PORTRAIT
Abdurakhmonova Dildorakhon Rakhmatillo qizi
Student of the Faculty of Islamic studies,
International Islamic Academy of Uzbekistan
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.16991149
Abstract:
This study examines the intercultural reception of Sufism in the
West through two key figures: George of Hungary (15th c.) and Ivan Aguéli
(19th–20th c.). George, a Dominican enslaved in the Ottoman Empire, briefly
engaged in Sufi practices before returning to Christianity, leaving one of the
earliest European accounts of dervishes and Sufi poetry. His writings combine
admiration with critique, revealing the cultural impact of Ottoman Sufism on
early modern Europe. Centuries later, the Swedish artist and theosophist Ivan
Aguéli embraced Islam and Sufism, translating classical texts and linking Sufi
thought with Western philosophy, theosophy, and avant-garde aesthetics. A
comparison of these cases shows how Sufism was variously perceived as a
spiritual challenge, an intellectual resource, and a universalist framework. The
article highlights the shift in Western attitudes from Renaissance suspicion to
modernist appropriation, laying foundations for the emergence of Western
Sufism.
Keywords:
Western Sufism, dervishes, intercultural transfer, Theosophy,
Sufi poetry, mysticism, religious conversion, early modern Europe, Orientalism,
universalism.
George of Hungary, a young Dominican who was captured during the
Ottoman conquest of Transylvania and sold into slavery in western Anatolia
(now in Turkey). He became a Sufi around 1443. However, he later repented of
this and returned to Europe, where he wrote his treatise to warn others against
the seductive power of Sufism and Islamic society. He is the first Western Sufi
known by name. Undoubtedly, there were many others like him, that is,
Christians who found themselves under the rule of the Ottoman Empire and
assimilated with Ottoman culture and religion. What was unusual about George
of Hungary was not that he became a Sufi, but that he later returned to
Christianity and Europe. That's why we know his name. George's treatise on the
Turks contains the earliest known discussion in Western printed work of Sufis
and dervishes, a term used to refer to mendicant Sufis.
It also includes the first translations of Sufi poetry, which George
particularly liked. The Western taste for Sufi poetry persisted through Goethe,
until in 1899, the author of a New York literary magazine complained about the
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Sufi poems "Rubai" by Omar Khayyam that "everyone reads them – even boys
whistle them in the street." Between 1480 and 1899, during the Renaissance and
Enlightenment, and while enjoying Sufi poetry, Western scholars defined Sufism
first as mysticism and then as eternal esoteric, Deistic universalism
1
.
These Renaissance and Enlightenment beliefs further shaped the structure
of Sufism, which eventually established itself in the West at the beginning of the
twentieth century. The period between 1480 and 1899, much of which coincided
with the period of Western history known as early modernity, was the period
during which the fourth intercultural transference took place.
It was a transition from the Muslim world to the West, and it had
consequences only in intellectual life; it had no significant consequences for
religious practice. The means of transmission include personal contacts, as in the
case of George, and texts based on such contacts. There were also translations of
texts from the Muslim world.
The earliest printed exposition of Sufism, which became widespread in
Europe, was in George of Hungary's treatise "On the Customs, Conditions and
Depravity of the Turks" in 1480. George was born in Romos, Transylvania (now
in Romania, but then in Hungary), and may have been of German descent. He
joined the Dominican Order and studied in Mulbach (now Sebesh) when it was
taken by the Ottoman army. He was captured, enslaved and sold first to a
Turkish farmer, and then to a second master, who treated him more kindly than
the first
2
. After twenty years in Turkey, he left this second teacher, joined the
Dominicans and died in Rome in 1502.
In his treatise, he explained that he had observed how Christians in the
Ottoman territories often converted to Islam, and that he himself was very close
to this. Therefore, he wanted to investigate this phenomenon in order to prepare
other Christians who might find themselves in a similar temptation. He
identified two types of reasons for conversion: religious (which he calls
"supernatural") and non-religious (which he calls "natural"). The main religious
reasons he highlighted were Islamic theology, dervishes and saints. The main
non-religious reasons he cited included admiration for Ottoman culture, the
Ottoman military and political. achievements and qualities of Ottoman women.
One would expect a Christian apologist to demonstrate the illusory nature of the
Ottoman Empire's superiority in these respects by exposing the shortcomings of
the Ottoman Empire, but this was not George's approach. Rather, he accepted
1
Inayat Khan, Sufi Message of Spiritual Liberty (London: Theosophical Publishing Society,1914), – P19– 20.
2
Charles Eliot Norton, “Review of Khayyam's Quatrains and Omar Khayyam's Rubaiyats”, North American Review,
109, No. 225 (October 1869): – P 565-84,
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the basic premise of the superiority of the Ottoman Empire, but claimed that it
had a diabolical origin
3
.
St. Augustine warned against such illusions, he noted, and it was known
that Satan could appear as an angel of light. Since George did not try to expose
the shortcomings of the Ottoman Empire, his account is generally factual, and
where he deviates from neutrality, he praises the Ottomans rather than
condemns them. George was particularly impressed by the restraint inherent in
Ottoman social customs, especially those practiced by the rich and powerful. He
was also impressed by the Ottoman dervishes and their poetry.
In fact, if you read between the lines, he actually converted to Islam. He
admits that the dervishes he met made a deep impression on him and then spent
fifteen years living as a dervish, assimilating into Ottoman society to the point
that he forgot how to speak his native language
4
. It is not known exactly how he
then found himself among Western Christians again. It was in connection with
the dervishes that George mentioned Satan's ability to appear in the form of an
angel of light, because the dervishes he met were "so exemplary in all their
words and deeds and showed so much piety in their manners and movements
that they seemed not human, but angels."
The poetry of the dervishes made such a strong impression on him that he
included two samples of poems in his treatise on the Turks, in Turkish and in
Latin translation. Their author has not been identified
5
.
We will see that another Ottoman slave of Western origin, who may have
also become a dervish, also loved dervish poetry. George draws a basic
distinction between ulama, whom he calls "priests" (sacerdos), dervishes
(dervischlar), whom he identifies as a type of monk (religiosus), and Sufis
(czofilar), whom he identifies simply as "devoted to meditation and spiritual
exercises."
Its transcription corresponds to the Turkish in using the plural suffix –lar
and the Hungarian spelling in using cz instead of s. He describes the dervishes as
wandering ascetics living in voluntary poverty, sometimes walking naked except
for covering their genitals, suffering from extreme heat and cold, perhaps
abstaining from speech and possibly burdening themselves with chains or
cutting themselves. Thus, their bodies may be covered with scars. Some have
3
Franklin D. Lewis, Rumi Past and Present, East and West: The Life, Teachings and Poetry of Jalal al- Din Rumi
(Oxford: Oneworld, 2008), – P 499.
4
Albrecht Classen, “The World of the Turks Described by an Eye- Witness: Georgius De Hungaria’s Dialectical
Discourse on the Foreign World of the Ottoman Empire,” (Journal of Early Modern History 2003): – P264.
5
Franklin D. Lewis, Rumi's Past and Present, East and West: The Life, Teachings and Poetry of Jalal al-Din Rumi
(Oxford: Oneworld, 2008), – P 499.
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visions, some have revelations, and some experience "supernatural ecstasy."
Sufis, on the contrary, are highly respected as the successors of the prophets, "do
not stop constant prayer" and perform vigils. Dervishes perform sema, rotation,
thanks to which the Mevlevi are now most famous, and Sufis perform dhikr
6
.
His own experience, which began with being captured and turned into a
Sufi, and then returning to Christianity, reveals the complex dynamics of cultural
and religious contact. While living in the Ottoman Empire, he absorbed Ottoman
culture and religion so much that he could forget his native language, but
eventually returned to his Christian roots, leaving us invaluable evidence of his
experiences and observations.
In his treatise, we see not only an analysis of the Islamic faith and culture,
but also respect for them. George was fascinated by Sufi poetry and the Dervish
lifestyle, which makes his work much more than just a critical look at Islam. His
writings left a deep mark on the Western understanding of Sufism and probably
inspired many followers of this tradition in the following centuries.
Ivan Agueli was the most important European theosophist writer on
Sufism. In addition, just as Johnson founded a Sufi circle in the United States, so
Agueli introduced Sufism to some other members of his circle in Europe. Agueli,
as we will see, first converted to Islam, and a few years later became a Sufi. This
is the opposite of the model that later became the norm, following which
Westerners convert to Islam because they become Sufis, which was also
followed by George of Hungary in the XV century.
Agueli was not the only Westerner to become a Sufi in the Muslim world at
the turn of the nineteenth century. There was also the journalist and adventurer
Isabelle Eberhardt, who joined the Rachmaniyah tariqa in Algeria in 1899 or
1900, and the French orientalist painter Etienne Dinet, who also joined the
Rachmaniyah tariqa in 1913. There were probably others. Eberhardt was
known for her journalism and Dinet for her painting, and therefore their lives
are documented.
If Westerners who were not famous joined Sufi tariqas in the Muslim world,
this would not usually be recorded. Agueli, however, is the most important of the
Westerners who became Sufis during this period, thanks to his writings on
Sufism and because of his connection with Rene Guenon, whom he initiated into
6
B. H. Steele-yard, The Secret Ritual of the Secret Work of the Ancient Arab Order of the Nobility of the Mystical
Temple (Washington, D.C., 1914).
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Sufism, and thus provided one of the foundations on which Sufism later
established itself in the West
7
.
Agueli's eventful career also illustrates how avant-garde artistic, political,
social, and religious views and environments blended in late nineteenth-century
Paris. Just as religious and political radicalism converged in Spinoza, they
converged in Agueli.
In addition, it also illustrates how European states sometimes promote
Sufism for their own purposes — a phenomenon that has a longer history than is
often thought. He was introduced to the Theosophical Society in Paris by his art
teacher Emile Bernard. By 1891, he had developed an interest in Islam, judging
by the books he borrowed from the Royal Swedish Library during a visit to
Stockholm that year, among which were the Koran, as well as Baudelaire and a
book about travels to Indochina (now Vietnam) and Cambodia. In 1893,
returning to Paris, he read about ancient non-European art, Indian and East
Asian, as well as Islamic, and about mysticism, especially Swedenborg,
Buddhism and Ancient Egypt
8
.
He also studied Hebrew and planned a trip to the East, to Algeria, Egypt or
India. Agueli studied Arabic and continued to study mysticism; he asked a friend
to try to find him the works of Dionysius. After that, he went to Egypt. He first
lived in a small village near Alexandria, and then in Al-Marga, a predominantly
Christian village near Cairo, studied painting and perfected his Arabic. He was
enthusiastic about Egypt. "I have never seen more peaceful people in my life," he
wrote to his mother. "There is a seal of peace and inner light on their faces,
which is nice to see"
After his return to France, Agueli converted to Islam, about which he still
knew relatively little at that time. In 1899, when he visited Ceylon (now Sri
Lanka), the first mention of Islam appeared in his letters, when he tells how he
addressed members of the Muslim community of Ceylon, hoping to be accepted
and possibly get permission to study at a madrasah (traditional school). Agueli
was warmly welcomed by the Muslim community of Ceylon. He also discovered
that many of his new Muslim friends were Sufis, "among [whom] there are really
outstanding intellectuals." However, he did not write anything more about
Sufism until a year had passed. The only person who did not know about his
7
“The Howling Dervish“and ”The Whirling Dervish", Constantinople, ed. Warwick Goble and Alexander Van
Millingen (London: A&C Black, 1906),– P 228-30.
8
Invariably copied as dermschlar, but the m is clearly a miscopying of vi. The identification was made by Klaus
Kreiser, “Die Derwische im Spiegel abendländischer Reiseberichte,” in Istanbul und das osmanische Reich: Stadte,
Bauten, nschriften, Derwische und ihre Konvente, ed. Kreiser (Isis: Istanbul, 1995), – P 2.
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conversion at the time was his mother, to whom he carefully wrote only that he
was "living with Muslims" who were "the best people in India
9
."
He explained that they had the same God as Christians and Jews, and they
"worshipped him in a more dignified way." Swedenborg had great respect for
Muslims, he added. There are different ways to be a Muslim. A devout Muslim in
the Muslim world is a Muslim in terms of theology, practice and identity. Agueli
has clearly adopted an Islamic identity in Ceylon, using the name Abd al-Hadi
and dressing as a Muslim, mostly in a Moroccan style. However, it is unclear to
what extent he practiced Islam on a daily basis. There is no mention of ritual
prayer (namaz) or fasting during Ramadan in his correspondence, while there
are mentions of visiting mosques to meet people, which may mean that he did
not follow daily Islamic practice
10
.
On the other hand, this may mean that he did not mention issues that, in his
opinion, his European correspondents would not understand. His biographer
reports that he once got very drunk in Cairo, and notes that he found no other
evidence of "alcohol abuse." This may indicate that Agueli did occasionally drink
alcohol, although not in excess. On the other hand, Agueli could have
disregarded the Sharia prohibition on alcohol consumption in only one or two
cases. For many years after his conversion, Agueli painted only landscapes that
did not cause problems in accordance with most interpretations of Sharia, and
for several years he gave up painting altogether. However, since 1911, he began
to paint human figures, which is prohibited by many interpretations of Sharia, as
well as naked female nature, which is prohibited by all known interpretations of
Sharia, since a man can see a mature woman naked only if he is married to her.
At least in this respect, Agueli chose art over Islam. Agueli returned from Ceylon
to France via Madras
11
.
Starting in December 1910, Agueli published a series of articles on Sufism
and a number of translations of classical Sufi works, mainly in the tradition of
Ibn Arabi, in the journal of the World Gnostic Church "La Gnosis" (Gnosis).
Agueli's articles and translations shaped the understanding of Sufism, which
later had an impact in Europe, just as Bjerregaard's articles had an impact in
America and England. They rejected some details of the theosophical
9
Patrick D. Bowen, “Magicians, Muslims, and Metaphysicians: The American Esoteric Avant- Garde in Missouri,
1880– 1889,” Theosophical History 17, no. 2 (2014): – P 61– 62.
10
Ivan Aguéli, “L’universalité en l’islam,” La Gnose 1911, reprinted in Ivan Aguéli, Ecrits pour La Gnose, ed. G.
Rocca (Milan: Arche, 1988), – P 96, 100.
11
William Jones, “On the Mystical Poetry of the Persians and Hindus", (London, 1807), – P 211, 216.
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understanding of religions, most notably the emphasis on Vedanta Hinduism,
while maintaining the general concept of eternity
12
.
Agueli used Ibn Arabi as his standard authority in Sufism, establishing him
in the position he retains in the West to this day. Agueli also quotes other great
Sufis and several famous hadiths, but — surprisingly for a Muslim — not a single
passage from the Koran. His interpretation of Sufism is also important because it
does not take into account the Koran and Sufi practice. Agueli's understanding of
Sufism corresponded to the basic emanationist scheme. The multiplicity of
existence is an illusion, and the "identity of "I" and "Not-I" is a "Great truth" that
leads to unity, to the "transformation of personal reality into human
universalism or prophetic reality".
Emphasizing this point, he even goes so far as to claim that "altruism" is an
empty term, since there is no one to whom altruism can be shown. When a
murder occurs, each of us is a murderer and a victim at the same time. Agueli
approaches the rhetoric of Meister Eckhart here. Agueli's articles in La gnose
also retain some of Al-Nadi's accents. He is consistently positive about Islam,
which he defends as a better religion than any other.
In some ways it resembles brahmanism, but, unlike Brahmanism, it is
universal. It is not Islamic fatalism that is to blame for the deplorable state of the
Muslim world, as some critics of Islam have claimed, but rather an oppressive
government and "ethnic heterogeneity." The goal of Sufism, fana (unification), is
perceived in this world as "tolerance, impartiality, disinterest, detachment, self-
sacrifice, self-discipline and active fatalism," and "active fatalism" means
accepting the will of God, and not passive fatalism, which Islam has been accused
of encouraging.
An article published in Al-Nadi in 1907 suggests that Agueli still
understood Sufism at that time, which he repeated the "Secret Doctrine of
Blavatsky", describing as the "secret doctrine of Islam", as compatible with
theosophy, which he favourably presented. However, by 1911 he had changed
his mind, rejecting many theosophical principles
13
.
Thus, he describes the mahatmas as "imaginary" and rejects the possibility
of any "historical kinship" between Islamic and Chinese mysticism. Although he
is sometimes inconsistent, Agueli rejects theosophical perennialism, replacing it
with universalism. Islamic and Chinese mysticism may not have a "historical
kinship," but they are remarkably similar, and most of Agueli's articles are
devoted to exploring these similarities and explaining Sufi theology in a
12
G. Rocca, “Introduction” to Ecrits pour La Gnose, ed. G. Rocca (Milan: Arche, 1988).
13
Guillaume-Joseph Grelo, “New relations from a trip to Constantinople" (Paris, 1680), – P 290-91.
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comparative framework. Here he acknowledges Pouvourville's work on Taoism.
From time to time, he makes comparative references to other religions,
especially Swedenborg, Kabbalah and yoga, simultaneously comparing dhikr
with Hatha-He emphasizes the essential agreement between Ibn Arabi,
Swedenborg and Lao Tzu, which he attributes not to a common eternal origin,
but to the fact that all three "achieved the same the depths of human
knowledge."
Despite the fact that Agueli called the mahatmas imaginary, he retained the
theosophical idea of a hidden master. Following an 11th-century text that
emphasized the superiority of the Malamati (an early Sufi group from
Khorasan), parts of which he translated for La Gnose, Agueli defined the
Malamati as something like mahatmas and as "great initiates of Islam", a phrase
taken from the title of "Great Initiates" (Les grands initiés), the bestseller of the
theosophist Edward The Shure, which traces the "esoteric doctrine" from Rama
through Krishna, Hermes, Moses, Orpheus, Pythagoras and Plato to Jesus, and
also shows the influence of Antoine Fabre d'Oliva as about Blavatsky and
theosophy
14
. Agueli attributed the decline of the Muslim world to the fall of
Malamati.
However, he believed that some Malamati were still hiding, and implied
that one should hope for their reappearance. This is a completely theosophical
position. In addition to presenting his understanding of Sufism and Ibn Arabi's
ideas as standard references in French circles, Agueli also introduced Sufism to
Rene Guenon, then one of the two editors of La gnose, and later, as we will see, a
key figure in the development of Western Sufism.
Guenon was primarily interested in Vedanta Hinduism, he was among
those whom Agueli "initiated" into shadhiliya Arabiya in 1910 or 1911. Since
then, many have taken this as a sign of Guenon's conversion to Islam, but in fact
there is no evidence that Guenon practiced Islam or adopted a Muslim identity
before the 1930s. He continued to belong to the Worldwide Gnostic Church until
it was dissolved in 1917 to attend Catholic Mass with his wife, and write about
Hinduism rather than Islam. At the same time that Agueli initiated Guenon into
Shadhiliya Arabiya, he and Guenon were also initiated by Pouvourville into an
unknown Taoist order. Guenon, in turn, gave Agueli and Pouvourville Masonic
initiations. The Gnostics obviously understood all this as compatible with each
other, as well as with Gnostic universalism
15
.
14
Ivan Aguéli, “Pages dédiées a Mercure,” La Gnose 1911, reprinted in Ivan Aguéli, Ecrits pour La Gnose, ed. G.Rocca
(Milan: Arche, 1988),– P 61.
15
David Brafman, “Facing East: A Western View of Islam,” Research Journal (Getty Research, 1 2009): – P 153-54.
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There is no evidence of "practical dervishism." Sufis in the Muslim world
usually distinguish between accepting the tariqa for guidance (irshad) and
accepting the Tariqa for its blessings (baraka). Guenon could only accept
Shadhiliya Arabiya for her blessings, as there were no instructions available.
Sufis in the Muslim world usually take one tariqa for guidance and then may take
others for blessings, but the tariqa for guidance takes precedence over the tariqa
for blessings, rather like the first university degree takes precedence over
subsequent honorary degrees.
Agueli returned to Sweden and took up painting at the end of 1911, and
then to Egypt in 1913, where he was at the beginning of the First World War.
Sweden remained neutral, but the British military authorities, who took control
of Egypt during the war, suspected Agueli of having contacts with pro-Ottoman
circles and expelled him in 1916. He boarded a ship to Barcelona in neutral
Spain, where in 1917, becoming increasingly deaf, he was hit by a train. His
paintings were rescued by Prince Eugene, the artist and younger brother of the
King of Sweden, and are now on display in various Swedish galleries. As will be
seen, his understanding of Sufism, developed by Guenon, gained wide
influence
16
.
The life and work of Ivan Agueli are an example of exceptional courage and
openness of thought, which in their greatness combine avant-garde studies in
the field of art, politics, social and religious ideas. His journey across cultural and
religious boundaries reflects not only his own quest for understanding, but also
the diversity of views and beliefs that may have been present in Paris at the end
of the nineteenth century.
For Agueli, the study of Sufism became not just an academic exercise, but a
way of self-discovery and understanding the meaning of life. His writings and
translations of Sufi texts in the magazine "La Gnose" not only shed light on the
mystical aspects of Islam for a Western audience, but also became the
foundation for the further development of Sufism in the West.
Being an adherent of universalism and gnostic thinking, Agueli was able to
unite various religious and philosophical traditions, showing their unity in the
pursuit of eternal truths. His work opens the door to understanding and
interaction between cultures and religions, promoting harmony and mutual
understanding in the world..
16
Ivan Ageli, “The Universe of Islam”, "Knowledge", 1911, reprinted in Ivan Ageli's book "Essays on Knowledge",
edited by G. Rocchi (Milan: Arche, 1988), – P 96, 100.
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References:
1. Aguéli, Ivan. “L’universalité en l’islam.” La Gnose, 1911. Reprinted in Ecrits
pour La Gnose, edited by G. Rocca, pp. 96, 100. Milan: Arche, 1988.
2. Aguéli, Ivan. “Pages dédiées à Mercure.” La Gnose, 1911. Reprinted in Ecrits
pour La Gnose, edited by G. Rocca, p. 61. Milan: Arche, 1988.
3. Ageli, Ivan. “The Universe of Islam.” Knowledge, 1911. Reprinted in Essays on
Knowledge, edited by G. Rocchi, pp. 96, 100. Milan: Arche, 1988.
4. Bowen, Patrick D. “Magicians, Muslims, and Metaphysicians: The American
Esoteric Avant-Garde in Missouri, 1880–1889.” Theosophical History 17, no. 2
(2014): pp. 61–62.
5. Brafman, David. “Facing East: A Western View of Islam.” Research Journal.
Getty Research, no. 1 (2009): pp. 153–154.
6. Classen, Albrecht. “The World of the Turks Described by an Eyewitness:
Georgius De Hungaria’s Dialectical Discourse on the Foreign World of the
Ottoman Empire.” Journal of Early Modern History (2003): p. 264.
7. Eliot Norton, Charles. “Review of Khayyam's Quatrains and Omar Khayyam's
Rubaiyats.” North American Review 109, no. 225 (October 1869): pp. 565–584.
8. Grelo, Guillaume-Joseph. New Relations from a Trip to Constantinople. Paris,
1680, pp. 290–291.
9. Inayat Khan. Sufi Message of Spiritual Liberty. London: Theosophical
Publishing Society, 1914, pp. 19–20.
10. Jones, William. On the Mystical Poetry of the Persians and Hindus. London,
1807, pp. 211, 216.
11. Kreiser, Klaus. “Die Derwische im Spiegel abendländischer Reiseberichte.” In
Istanbul und das osmanische Reich: Städte, Bauten, Inschriften, Derwische und
ihre Konvente, edited by Klaus Kreiser, p. 2. Istanbul: Isis, 1995.
12. Lewis, Franklin D. Rumi Past and Present, East and West: The Life, Teachings
and Poetry of Jalal al-Din Rumi. Oxford: Oneworld, 2008, p. 499.
13. Rocca, G. “Introduction.” In Ecrits pour La Gnose, edited by G. Rocca. Milan:
Arche, 1988.
14. Steele-yard, B. H. The Secret Ritual of the Secret Work of the Ancient Arab
Order of the Nobility of the Mystical Temple. Washington, D.C., 1914.
15. Goble, Warwick, and Alexander Van Millingen, eds. “The Howling Dervish”
and “The Whirling Dervish.” In Constantinople, pp. 228–230.
