SAMOA LANDS AND TITLES – A SUSTAINABLE FRAMEWORK FROM A MARKETERS VIEW

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PUBLISHED DATE: - 20-12-2024
DOI: -

https://doi.org/10.37547/tajmei/Volume06Issue12-08

PAGE NO.: - 73-82

SAMOA LANDS AND TITLES

–

A

SUSTAINABLE FRAMEWORK FROM A
MARKETERS VIEW

Silimana’i Pulou Wright

National University of Samoa

INTRODUCTION

A lot of questions have been raised since the
appearance of COVID-19. Not only questions were
led to what challenges are now being faced by the
global economy but also what impact does that
have on local economies as well. And whether
COVID-19 gets cured or worsened up, the main
focus question should be, would we be able to
sustain development. Of course, if there would be
a cure to COVID-19, there will still be sometime or
gap for convalesce. But for the worst case scenario,
if all bonds of international trade and distribution
seize completely, would countries of dependency,
such as third world countries and developing
nations be able to survive on their own? Would
they be able to provide for the resources needed
for basic economic survival? And basically, would

these countries be able to sustain their own
economy? Today, the Pacific Island Countries and
Territories (PICTs) are struggling to make sure
that COVID-19 does not change into a health crisis.
In fact with respect, COVID-19 has already reached
21 countries and territories of the region, more as
a set of social, economic and food security issues
than as a health crisis. The measures adopted to
alleviate this was practiced by starting restrictions
on the movement of people within and among
countries, have tended to cause severe impacts on
their tourism industries, remittances, and
international trade. Most of these PICTs are food
import and remittance dependent economies
(Connell, 2013), and many are heavily reliant on
income from tourism (e.g. Fiji, French Polynesia,
New Caledonia, Palau, Samoa) (Wood, 2020). The

RESEARCH ARTICLE

Open Access

Abstract

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interruption of tourism is expected to result in
substantial losses to economies

–

forecast

scenarios in the range of US$1

–

2 billion regionally

(Pacific Community, 2020). Such losses are
realized across many parts of national economies,
including unemployment, business failure, and
changed patterns in the production and
distribution of food. In addition, reliance on
remittances is also high across 11 PICTs, funds
transferred from overseas kin account for an
average of 9.7% of GDP (Pacific Community, 2020).
Some countries have already experienced
substantial falls in remittances since the COVID-19
outbreak (Graue, 2020). National food systems in
the Pacific region share attributes with those in
other Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Much
of their fragility is due to geographic remoteness,
growing import dependence, and in many places,
limited arable land and declining agriculture
production. The region experienced a dramatic
decline in per capita domestic crop production up
to themid-1990s, which has not been recovered.
Staple foods, particularly rice and wheat, account
for much of the volume of food imported to the
region, but nutrient dense and sugary food and
beverages are also rising markedly. These trends
in the availability of foods over the past half
century (Thaman 1982) are reflected in diets
which have shifted from being high in locally
grown fresh fruits and vegetables, seeds and nuts,
lean meat and seafood, to diets high in processed
and often imported foods (Thow et al., 2011).
Consequently, the triple burden of malnutrition1 is
a large and growing issue in the region (Global
Nutrition Report 2018; Hughes and Lawrence
2005; Sievert et al., 2019) and prevalence of diet-
related

non-communicable

diseases

are

particularly high in PICTs (Anderson, 2013). These
trends and events highlight the difficulty of
addressing the food security dimensions of the
COVID-19 pandemic, in a landscape already
challenged by processes and climate shocks that

threaten economies and societies. In the last
month, for example, Tropical Cyclone Harold
swept through Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Tonga,
and Fiji in the midst of COVID-19 mitigation
preparations, destroying houses and crops. The
confluence of the cyclone and COVID-19 led to a
tragic loss of life in the sea off the island of Malaita
in Solomon Islands, as people travelled to their
home villages from the capital (Kaukui, 2020).

The Traditional Samoan way

Hunting and fishing for fresh food in the early
history of Samoan life is all about having a

“subsistence abundance” for food consumption

(Thaman, 1982). Before Samoa became an
independent state, Samoan people mostly ate food
they produced themselves from cultivated land or
fishing at sea, such as, taro, bananas, yams,
breadfruits, poultry and other birds, cattle, pigs
and fish and other sea foods. The traditional daily
Samoan meal consists of a staple dish (chicken or
other birds, fish or other sea foods, pork and beef
with a source of starchy serving (taro, yam,
breadfruit) to consume the main dish with, with

the addition of the lu’au or spinach (coconut cream

enfolded in green taro and with heated banana and
breadfruit leaves as its outside covering and then
baked in the traditional ground oven). There were
only two meals allocations a day. The first meal is
usually served in the late morning which comprise
of the leftover food from the previous evening
meal. The second meal serving is served in the
evening, usually after their evening worship or
prayer with the whole family. In the traditional
Samoan family setting, the food was always served
first to the chief of the family, and then followed by
the rest of the family households, after the chief
had finished eating (Kramer 1903; Turner 1884;
Grattan 1948; Brewis 2012; Tuvale, 2016). And
because of religious affiliation with the culture, the
same civilities were extended to pastors and
ministers of religion. Before a Samoan family eat,

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they always make sure foods have been served to

their village pastor’s house before the food is

served amongst them. And even today, such
practice is still done by many Samoan families to
their church ministers even if they do not live in a
village setting anymore. Also for a Samoan family
living in a village setting, there is almost certainty
that they are ensured staple foods supply. One of
the responsibilities of the village council, consist of
chiefly titled men (Alii and Faipules) was to make
sure there is excess of food supply for the village or
district. The same village council organized the
work of the untitled men of the village in
cultivating the lands connected to their family
heritage, in terms of customary privileges, into
subsistence farming in planting crops, such as
taros, yams, bananas, breadfruit, coconuts and
raising pigs and chickens, at which with perfect
understanding, all was done organically. Another
type of Samoan food that was carefully cultivated
was the breadfruit biscuit made from unripened
breadfruit. In the past, and after cyclones which
may destroy most of the crops, breadfruit as one of
the important staple food was said to be processed
and stored for times of famine as a result. Little
quarries where dug up and these left over green,
unripe breadfruit will be stored in and covered

with leaves for days until it’s fermented and could

be retrieved and baked in biscuit

–

liked shapes for

consumption. The arrowroot was another
nurtured plant in those days which acted as a
source of starch for formulating a variety of
traditional Samoan dishes. In addition, was the
coconut palm tree which provided not only food
and drink but means for building houses, tools,
mats, weapons, fishing gear, fuel, toys, and
equipment, (Grattan, 1948; Tuvale, 2016). Besides
coconut juice, there was almost no sugar in the
traditional Samoan diet. Interestingly, in a very
labour-intensive process a sweet substance was
obtained for drinks by baking the roots of the ti
plant (Hinkle, 2007). Samoa was also said to have

had few native fruits, whereas other tropical fruits
such as the popular mangos and pineapples and
some varieties, were among the colonial
introductions. In the Samoan traditional diet and
what was said to have included in the main meals
dish by way of other birds and other seafood, we
often referred to pigeons and other variety of fish,
such as crabs, lobsters, crayfish, seaweed, and a
large array of other marine organisms were fished
or gathered from reefs. Pigeons in particular were
more popular for meals than chickens, especially in
the months of September and October of every
year, when the pigeons were believed to have just
put on fat in their bodies (Kramer, 1903). On the

other hand, turtles also known as the ‘sacred fish’

was only touched for food, only upon from a special
discretion of the highest chiefs (Turner 1884;
Kramer 1903; Grattan 1948; Tuvale, 2016). The
traditional method of cooking used a ground oven
in which rocks were heated in a fire until they
turned lava red, after which food items were
placed on them and covered with banana and
breadfruit leaves. Food was always part of a
traditional ritual and in ceremonial activities as
part of gifts exchanging for births, marriages,
funerals, bestowal of chiefly titles, and the
reception of visitors (Turner 1884; Kramer, 1903).
In the case of visiting parties, food was also
prepared in welcoming ceremonies for guests in
the Samoan culture. For example, when guests
arrived, a special ceremonial food presentation
was made in the form of

a sua or a ta’alolo.

Traditionally, it comes in two parts; first is called
the sua talisua (first meal) consisting of a green
drinking coconut (vailolo), a cooked chicken

(moepi’ilima), and a wrap of cooked taro or
breadfruit (fa’avevela). The second ste

p is called a

suata’i which is a gift of food for the guests to take

with them when they leave, consisting of a whole

cooked pig and a fine mat (ietoga). A ta’alolo is a

larger form of the sua and is presented if the guests
are from a chiefly family and accompanied by their

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whole village. The sua is still presented to honour
important guests in Samoa today, but the content
of the gift has been transformed completely. The
coconut has been replaced by a can of soda; a 3lb
tin of corned beef replaces the chicken; a box of
biscuits for the wrap of taro; and a whole box of
corned beef or tinned-fish has replaced the pig.
Food was also made present when village councils
punished a transgressor with fines for not keeping
village laws. According to one study, they
described an example of a village fine consisting of
two large pigs and one hundred taro (Kramer,
1903). This custom is still practiced today but the
fine is more likely to include cash and now likely to
be paid in boxes of canned-food, and take-away
food items from restaurants. Variations of these
traditions live on today among Samoans in Samoa,

As McLennan described, “food is not simply a

source of energy, but also a means of building and
maintaining social relationships, and reinforcing
community

cohesion” (McLennan, 2014).

Despite the fact that land is at the core of
everything connected in the Samoan way

(fa’aSamoa)

-culture, titles, language, family

(aiga) and people, it has a symbolic and cultural
value that cannot be assessed by economic
terms alone (Corrin and Lawasia, 2008).

According to the Samoa Bureau of Statistics
(2017), the population of Samoa, in total, was
about 195,979, living in about 330 villages along
the coastal of the islands. Samoa is comprised of
two main islands, Upolu and S

avai’i and two

smaller inhabited islands of Manono and Apolima.
The lands stretch over kilometres of about 200 in
length covering a total land area of about 2,800
square kilometres. The social traditions and
cultural affiliations are very strong in the Samoan
society and is typically based on the extended
family (aiga) system. In general, each family is
headed by a matai or holder of a chief /traditional
title name, whose responsibility is taking care of all

the family’s affairs relatively to lands and t

itles.

Then he represents the family to the village council
of matai (fono) that controls village order as well
as organizing the village. The council of matai
(fono) also directs the village in terms of
development and particularly the use of customary
land. Of the total land area of Samoa, 81 percent of
land is customary owned, 15 percent is owned by
the government of Samoa and 4 percent is freehold
land. Traditionally, customary land is handed
down by historical claims and by family genealogy
and linage. Sometimes the utilization of the
customary lands has to go through an agreement
among all members of the extended family (aiga)
who are the beneficial owners. In other words, if
one is connected to the extended family one may
be entitled to a right to utilize the lands without
costs, as long as one contributes fairly to others.

A Subsistence Abundance

Throughout the world of business and economic
activities, unique styles of entrepreneurship can be

created, when particular indigenous society’s

cultures are entrenched together with their social
aspects. In the Pacific Island country of Samoa, the

Samoan way of life and culture (fa’aSamoa) is

intricately interwoven with rural entrepreneurial
activity (Cahn, 2008). Cahn concluded that at
where fa

’aSamoa blended successfully with the

micro-

entrepreneurial activity, an ‘indigenous’

form of enterprise had developed, and the success
and sustainability of the micro-enterprise was
enhanced. On the other hand, the research
showed that tensions between

fa’aSamoa and

introduced business systems of the micro-
enterprise could jeopardize micro-enterprise
success and sustainability (Cahn, 2008). And while
customary land guarantees ownership rights to all
Samoans, sometimes it may be difficult to get
agreement from all the different parties involved at
any one time, when it comes to customary land
development. Whenever development is affiliated
with customary land, disputes will habitually arise

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delaying progress, sometimes for extended
periods of time. While knowledge of customary
land boundaries handed down by word of mouth
are known to family members the pule is often

uncertain (Taule’alo, T., Fong, S., & Setefano, P.,

2002). And because of the faa-Samoa (Samoan
way) and its robust connections to traditional
institutions like the aiga, (family) matai (chiefly
titled men) and fono (village council) has served as
security and a general sense of political stability.
This, in turn provides an ongoing back up of the
present land tenure, dominated by customary land
ownership. Samoans as a group are therefore
supportive of the present land system although
there have been rumblings by individuals of the
need for reforms to ensure that the system serves
the national interest generally and the beneficial
owners' in

particular (Taule’alo, T., Fong, S., &

Setefano, P., 2002). The fact that in the real
Samoan tradition and culture, and it does not
matter wherever a Samoan person may be, he or
she always has a Samoan Chiefly family name and
village they belong to (faasinomaga). On the other
hand, there are always validated reasons for rural
and urban drifts, due to seeking for a better
education opportunity and employment security
of entitling to ease monies through salaries in
catering for the westernized style of living in the
city or its suburbs. On the other hand, it could be
vice versa, at where at hand, the COVID-19 is
becoming a macro economic crisis. Employment in
town and especially in the tourism related
industry, job opportunities have been vacated or
laid off, is another reason why someone may want
to move back into the community or village based
life. Some Samoans even though they live in the
city or elsewhere apart from his village of
belonging (faasinomaga), they still contribute to
village Chiefs councils meetings (monotaga) in

supporting his family or his chiefly title being
represented in the village council. And wherever a
Samoan may be, it is always a Samoan proverb and
belief, that someday he or she will always come
back to visit or stay in his or her village of

belonging (e lele le toloa i fea, ae ma’au lava i le vai
–

translated: wherever the swan bird fly’s, it will

always come back to the puddle of water). After all,
living in Samoa is all about communal support.

Thus to have started with this transition and

considering the protocol saying, ‘prevention is
better than cure,’ as according to the Samoa

stimulus package 2019 included the allocation for
the Ministry of Agriculture to raise local produce;
$3.5million has been allocated to the Ministry of

Agriculture and Fisheries. It is Government’s

intention that local agricultural and fishing
developments will be intensified to support food
security. A portion of this assistance has been
allocated for equipment and consumables
required by the Scientific Research Organisation of
Samoa in the commercialization of some of our
local value added agricultural processes like
breadfruit flour, coconut oil, avocado margarine
and others to substitute imports (Budget, Stimulus
Package, 2020). In addition to this special budget
allocation to the Ministry of Agriculture and
Fisheries, they started awareness and food
security programs for the public to be assisted by.
Giving out bundles of variety of crops, eatable
plants such as cabbages of all sorts and different
plant seeds for free, was the Ministry of Agriculture

and Fisheries’ new initiative assisting and

educating the public to plant again and make
plantations, to start cultivating the land for
subsistence supporting of the family or for self-
reliance.

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Samoa Lands and Titles Framework

TITLE

(Matai and Aiga)

Like the Fale Samoa, Samoan Hut above,
represented by its roof with the Titled men and
Women in a typical Samoan family or aiga with the
pillars or posts representing the connection the
roof

–

Titled to Land representing the foundation

of the hut to explain the framework behind it and
how it connects to the early civilization of the
Samoan people and traditions as earlier explained.
The Lands and Tiles court was originally
established in 1903 under the German colonial
administration as a Land Commission. It was
continued under the New Zealand colonial
administration, and formally became a court of
record in 1934, though it was not renamed until
1937 (Aiono 2009). The Land and Titles Courts
have special jurisdiction on Samoan customs and
usage matters relating to matai titles and
customary lands. But that was its case on the other
hand.

From a perspective of a marketer, it was a system
that was well established that would only cater for
what was explained, but as well for the future, for

the unknown, for the unexpected, basically, it is a
contingency plan. A risk management plan. A plan
to keep sustainability and somehow can initiate
development. Such development can lead to more
development of small and medium enterprises,
cultivating other products such as breadfruit and
manioca plantations for changing it to flour raw
materials, investing in growing sweet potatoes and
umala for exports targeting the Asian markets as
well and on top of all if all family member build into
a strong family bond, they can all be ion oneness in
cultivating their customary lands for a large family
development.

A Lead to Modern Problems

In a way of moving forward, modernization has
brought to the world quite an impact. With the
changes the world has brought about in terms of
modernization, including the speed in technology,
it is almost like a requirement for every country to
keep up with

–

its language, procedures, processes

and practices. This has far brought the world to a
lot of improvements by way of developments in

(Customary Lands)

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transportation, communications, logistics, trading
and many. A rapid change from traditional ways to

today’s modern lifestyle. However, such

modernization has also a lot of lapse and
imperfections caused as well, which also led to
some discovered problems. Such problems,
especially, for PIC such as Samoa would be the
reliance on imports and tourism, international
trades,

remittances,

resources-

capital

investments and human capacity building, reliance
on foreign aid programs and projects for
assistance, and so forth. Neo-colonialism and its
control of power. And now, conspiracies which led
to this pandemic, the COVID19 and other health
and non-health related issues and challenges
altogether.

Colonial interventions brought changing patterns
of food production, distribution and consumption
to Samoa. Foreign lifestyle like, such as food and
clothing and many others was introduced to the
Samoans in the mid-19th century in the trade with
foreign ships (Tcherkezoff 2008). For example
pigs, coconuts and fresh water were exchanged for
barrels of brined beef, canned pea soup and
clothing materials. These became highly
prestigious, as it is likely that they were given to
the chiefs. Today, these food items and clothing are
still prized among most Samoans in their modern
form of povi masima (salt beef) and pisupo

(canned corned beef) and ‘ie lavalava (cloth that

wraps around) (Ullman, 1962). While it is unlikely
that these items were consumed in great amounts
in the past, as the economy of Samoa became
monetized they became accessible to all and
affordable to most, leading a trend towards a diet
characterized by a heavy intake of imported foods
(Hawley et al, 2015; DiBello et al, 2009; Seiden, et
al 2012). Once isolated, the Samoan islands are
now the centre of a global network of families. Its
geographical and political boundaries have been
infused by global ideas of development and
economic growth, rising incomes, and freedom to

choose how to spend these incomes in order to

survive in a “globalized world” (McL

ennan 2014).

For instance, the transformation of the labor
market produces an increasing number of high
status, well paid sedentary jobs, and office based.
The increasing reliance on imported materials and
food items and more sedentary jobs as developing
countries entered the global economy and people
have moved away from subsistence farming and
fishing to live and work in urban areas (Ulijaszek,
2006). Missionaries changed gender roles of food
preparation (Schoeffel 1979). Young people;
mainly males, were once the sole providers and
food handlers in the family and the village.
However, in the 19th century missionaries
encouraged new roles for young women, taught in

the mission girls’ schools, which they considered

more feminine and appropriate for Christian
families. This included sewing and cooking using
stoves and pots instead of the Samoan umu. The
new method of cooking contributed towards
changing Samoan lifestyle and food preference,

introducing dishes now considered to be ‘Samoan’

foods such as dumplings (kopai) and steamed
pudding (puligi), as well as fried foods. Chinese
plantation workers also brought new dishes and
style to Samoa, which are now also considered
essentially Samoan clothing and dishes such as
Chinese noodles (sapasui). Those who worked on
plantations in the colonial era were fed with
rations which included beef, flour and rice.

Meleisea’s (1980) interviews with Melanesian

labour recruits on government plantations
revealed that one of the attractions of plantation
life in Samoa was the food, particularly the meat
they were given. New dishes assimilated into
Samoan relied on imported ingredients such as
flour, sugar, salt, cooking oil, noodles, rice, soy
sauce, and beef. The Second World War had a big
impact on Samoan tastes and preferences (Blair
2018; Schoeffel 1987). Samoa was occupied by
thousands of American marines in 1943-4 who

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brought with them an abundance of food and
drinks, apparels that were previously unknown or
very scarce, such as Spam, canned spaghetti,
liquor, carbonated drinks, working boots and
shoes and many. Over time, as imported foods
became cheaper and more available, and as
increasing numbers of Samoans gained access to a
cash income, imported foods became normal parts
as the daily diet for families. A study of Samoan
traditional healers report that they have long
affirmed a view that imported food items are the
cause of ill health in modern Samoans
(MacPherson 1990). After 150 years of exposure
to the industrialised West, the Samoan lifestyle has
been substantially changed, but not its cultural
practices; new food items such as salted-beef and
bread were incorporated into exchange over a
century ago, beginning with visiting ships,
missionaries and traders. However, it is also
important to appreciate the influence of the
concurrent increase in technologies on the
reduction in the amount of physical effort spent on
food production. For instance, increasing
availability of convenience foods and clothing
items which require no direct energy expenditure
on the part of the consumer. Another is the
increasing use of new agricultural technologies,
such as chainsaws and chemical sprays and
sprayers which have reduced the amount of
physical effort required to produce a given amount
of food. Furthermore, the recent explosion in
private vehicle ownership, like for instance in
Samoa, means that many activities which formerly
involved expenditure of physical effort no longer
require this effort. Farmers who once walked to
plantations can now drive and food which was
formerly carried from point of production to point
of consumption can now be transported from
plantations in vehicles.

CONCLUSION

Thus, what has been shared above is not only one

would say or refer to as ‘a life learning experience’

but a system if one wants to apply for living or
survival, it is all worth it. It would not hurt to give
up what was called the western life style, but
should be concerned as to what to prioritize.
Personally, reserving for subsistence abundant of
or having easy access to food and water and a
decent roof for covering and spare clothes, should
not be of a bad start. Try to save as much cash by
liquidating some unnecessary assets or belongings
through garage sales or similar, at where prices are
breakeven or made cheaper and affordable. As the

famous proverb says, ’something that one person

considers worthless may be considered valuable

by someone else.’ If one cannot live in a village due

to other circumstances such as owning a freehold
land elsewhere can still be part of the village by
always contributing to village matters in order to
create strong bonds and ties with village chiefs and

councils. By finding a person’s roots back in the

village is always a welcome in open arms as that is
what the Samoan culture as well is all about.

–

Families-.(aiga). Customary land covers about
80% of Samoa. There is always land that is

uncultivated; it is just that one’s intention should

not be all about to him or her-self, but how one
contributes in supporting everyone else as well.
Therefore, this means that a person can still live
and continuing doing business but in accordance to
their means.

REFERENCE

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2.

Anderson, Ian. (2013). The Economic Costs of
Noncommunicable Diseases in the Pacific
Islands : A Rapid Stocktake of the Situation in
Samoa, Tonga, and Vanuatu. Health, Nutrition,
and Population (HNP) discussion paper; World
Bank, Washington, DC. © World Bank.

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