COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CHINESE AND RUSSIAN SCIENTISTS' APPROACHES TO STUDYING THE SCO

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PUBLISHED DATE: - 30-06-2024
DOI: -

https://doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/Volume06Issue06-31

PAGE NO.: - 245-250

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CHINESE AND
RUSSIAN SCIENTISTS' APPROACHES TO
STUDYING THE SCO

Rakhmatulla Nurimbetov

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Political Science, Tashkent state university of oriental studies, Tashkent,

Uzbekistan

INTRODUCTION

Most studies on the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization (SCO), including those by Western
scholars, often view the SCO as an initiative by
China and Russia to bolster their regional influence
in Central Asia. While Chinese and Russian
scientists do not dismiss this perspective, their
own approaches to the SCO's activities reflect a
broader understanding of the organization's role
and significance, extending beyond Central Asia to
the international stage. Given the substantial
contributions of China and Russia to the SCO's
formation and development, a comparative

analysis of how Chinese and Russian scientists
evaluate

the

organization's

activities

is

particularly valuable.

The evolution of Chinese approaches to the
SCO: from the doctrine

of combating the “three

evils” to the concept of “a new type of
international relations”

The views of Chinese researchers on the SCO are
distinguished by the following features.

Firstly, in their fundamental researches one can
see the conceptual foundati

ons of the PRC’s

RESEARCH ARTICLE

Open Access

Abstract

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strategy towards the SCO. In particular, professor
at the Institute of International Studies at Fudan
University, Zhao Huashen, points out six priorities

in China’s strategy in relation to this organization.
This is the fight “against the three evils” (terrorism,

extremism and separatism); ensuring the security
of border areas; promoting regional stability;
participation in the economic development of the
region; preventing Central Asia from falling under
the influence of countries or military blocs hostile
to China; opening the way to energy resources of
the countries of the region.

Secondly, Chinese researchers note that the

conceptual elements of China’s foreign policy

determined the doctrinal and ideological
foundations of the SCO. They point out that, first of

all, concepts related to the “Shanghai Spirit” and
the fight against the “three evils” are reflected in

the SCO Charter of 2002.

Thirdly, the SCO is a product of China's "opening
up" diplomacy following reforms launched in the
1980s by Deng Xiaoping. In this context, the
opinions of another well-known specialist from the
PRC on SCO issues, Pan Dapeng, are noteworthy.

He believes that “the creation of the Shanghai

Cooperation Organization coincided with the
period of the policy of reforms and the
implementation of socialist modernization in
China. For this reason, the formation of the SCO is
inextricably linked with changes in the
development of the PRC and its diplomacy... The

SCO is the opening of Chinese diplomacy.”

Fourthly, recently in China there have been
attempts to interpret the SCO as an example of a

“new model of international relations”, with

scientific justification. Thus, expert Wang
Xiaoquan argues that the SCO, built on the basis of

the “Shanghai Spirit” (mutual trus

t, mutual

interest, equality, consultation, respect for cultural
diversity, the desire for common development), is
a unique international organization uniting states

with different civilizations and political systems.
This allows, unlike other international structures,
to promote inclusive cooperation as well as a

“harmonious order”.

Professor Li Haidong, in turn, views the SCO as an
important institution for the implementation of the

concept of “new Asian security.” The Chinese

researcher believes that this concept, being the

opposite of the concept of “hard security” adhered

to by US-

controlled “alliances” (i.e. NATO),

represents one of the mechanisms for

implementing China’s strategy to form a new

world order based on multipolarity.

Along with this, Zhou Huasheng, in his latest
research on this organization, also emphasizes that

“The SCO is the main experimental and practical

platform for Chinese concepts of a new
international order. The SCO embodies a number
of China's core international political concepts -
opposing hegemony, unilateralism, Cold War
mentality, bloc politics, unilateral sanctions,
adhering to the UN Charter and international law,
supporting multilateralism and promoting
multipolarity. The main ideas proposed by China
are reflected in the practice of the SCO, and we can
say that this organization is the prototype of a new

international order.”

Fifthly, another group of Chinese experts is trying
to prove that the SCO is a means of implementing

the PRC’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) initiat

ive.

Therefore, in their opinion, the SCO should be

“harmonized” with the OBOR initiative. Following

this logic, supporters of this group of scientists
believe that within the framework of the

organization’s activities it is necessary to

strengthen, mainly, economic cooperation. In
practical terms, the SCO is regarded as a platform
for improving the quality of planning and
promoting the B&R initiative.

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Russian approaches to the SCO: from Central

Asia to “Greater Eurasia”

In Russian political science, the scientific school of
researching the SCO is also quite developed. At the
same time, the majority of Russian scientists and
experts representing the first group (A.V.Lukin,
A.I.Nikitin,

M.L.Titarenko,

E.P.Bazhanova,

Yu.M.Galenovich and others) consider this
structure as the result of strategic cooperation
between Moscow and Beijing, which began mainly
with resolving border problems and strengthening
confidence-building measures in border areas.

The second group of Russian scientists
(D.V.Gordienko,

Yu.A.Nikitina,

D.A.Borisov,

E.Koldunova and others) characterize the SCO
mainly as an organization on security issues. They
believe that the formation and development of the
association was determined by the political,
military and economic situation in Central Asia at
the end of the 19th and 20th centuries. These

views are based on the idea that “the SCO is a

mechanism that serves to ensure the strategic
intere

sts of Russia and China in Central Asia.” This

includes not only the problem of competition
between the SCO and the United States and NATO,
but also the idea of strengthening cooperation
between the SCO and other regional security
mechanisms in Central Asia under the leadership
of Russia and China.

In particular, the memorandum signed between
the SCO Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure and the
CIS Anti-Terrorism Center (ATC), as well as the
CSTO Secretariat in 2018, is one example of the
implementation of this idea.

The third group of Russian researchers argues that
the SCO differs from Western regional
organizations with its uniqueness. This feature lies
in the fact that it is a structure that develops on the
basis of different political and economic models,
and also includes states that differ significantly
from each other in their power and international

status. Representatives of this approach
(V.V.Voronovich,

M.Troitsky,

M.G.Shilina,

V.B.Mantusov, G.V.Podbiralina, T.E.Migaleva and
others) see in the SCO an organization that not only
deals with issues security and stability, but also has
a much broader agenda.

At the same time, recently the influence of the

concept of “Eurasianism” has been increasing in

Russian studies devoted to the SCO. Scientists such
as S.Karaganov, A.V.Kortunov, S.G.Luzyanin,
A.V.Lukin,

V.I.Yakunin,

E.I.Safronova,

Yu.V.Kulintsev,

A.G.Larin,

T.F.Bordachev,

K.P.Kurylev are actively promoting the idea that
the SCO in the near future should become one of
the participants in the formation of a multipolar
world order in Eurasia, cooperating with such
regional structures as the Eurasian Economic
Union (EAEU), the CIS, ASEAN and the CSTO. The
SCO should act as one of the leading mechanisms
for implementing the Russian Federation's Greater
Eurasian Partnership initiative.

It should be noted that the “Eurasian” approach to

the SCO is becoming increasingly popular among
the Russian academic and analytical community in
light of the deep crisis in relations between
Moscow and the West due to the Ukrainian crisis.
Thus,

T.

Bordachev

believes

that

the

implementation of the strategy of “Russia’s
historical turn to the East”, currently promoted by

the Kremlin, determines the further promotion of
the Greater Eurasian Partnership project,
including with the involvement of the Shanghai

Cooperation

Organization.

“Strengthening

cooperation mechanisms within the SCO,
maximizing the use of the opportunities inherent
in the nature of the CIS, the development of
Eurasian economic integration in new conditions
and its interaction with ASEAN countries form the

agenda of Greater Eurasia.”

In general, a comparative analysis of the scientific
approaches of Chinese and Russian research to the

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study of the activities of the SCO allows us to note
the following.

First. Schools of thought in political science both in
the PRC and the Russian Federation have a
common understanding of the SCO as a structure
created with their support to ensure stability and
security in Central Asia at the end of the 20th
century and the beginning of the 21st century, as
well as to counter the geopolitical expansion of the
West in the region;

Second. At the same time, as the SCO evolves, there
is an increase in differences in the approaches of
scientists from the two countries regarding the
priority tasks of the organization in the new
geopolitical conditions. Thus, if Chinese experts

largely view the SCO as a model of “international
relations of a new type” and a platform for
promoting Beijing’s foreign policy and geo

-

economic concepts and initiatives at the global
level, then their Russian colleagues believe that the
SCO should become one of the key mechanisms for

building “ Greater Eurasia".

Third. Based on an analysis of these growing
differences in the perception of the future role of
the SCO on the part of Chinese and Russian
scholars, it can be assumed that such polarization
may complicate the process of modernization and
reform that has begun within the SCO.

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