История языковой политики в странах Центральной Азии

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Халикулова, Х. (2024). История языковой политики в странах Центральной Азии. Международный научный журнал «ALFRAGANUS», 1(5), 69–72. извлечено от https://inlibrary.uz/index.php/alfraganus/article/view/30058
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Аннотация

В статье ниже дается краткое описание триады реформ латинизации в Центральной Азии. При этом особое внимание уделяется целям и интересам как политических элит, инициировавших языковые реформы, так и их сторонников и противников. В статье анализируется реализация языковой политики и переход на латиницу в Центральной Азии. Анализ этой проблемы показывает, что руководство Советского Союза преследует задачу перехода на латиницу, что противоречит политике «коренизации». Ярким подтверждением негативных последствий процессов в этой сфере стало поведение в Центральной Азии; они служат прекрасными индикаторами степени свободы или несвободы общества от государственного контроля и от манипулирования общественным мнением со стороны политических элит.

 


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UDC 323.1

HISTORY OF LANGUAGE

POLICY IN CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

Khalikulova Hulkar Yuldashevna,

Associate Professor at ALFRAGANUS UNIVERSITY

e-mail: xalikulova81@mail.ru ORCID: 0000-0001-7680-197X

SUMMARY

The article below provides a brief description of the triad

of reforms in Central Asia of romanization. At the same time,

special attention is paid to the goals and interests of both

the political elites who initiated language reforms, as well

as their supporters and opponents. The article analyzes

the implementation of language policy and the transition

to the Latin alphabet in Central Asia. An analysis of this

problem indicates that the leadership of the Soviet Union

is pursuing the task of switching to the Latin alphabet,

providing a contradiction to the policy of «indigenization.»

A clear confirmation of the negative consequences of the

processes in this area was the conduct in Central Asia;

they serve as excellent indicators of the degree of freedom

or non-freedom of society from state control and from the

manipulation of public opinion by political elites.

KEYWORDS:

language policy, Uzbekistan, rights,

ethnic minorities, diasporas, national cultural centers.

INTRODUCTION

In the 20th – early 21st centuries in Central Asia, during

a compressed period of time by historical standards, the

Latinization and Cyrillization of the alphabets of local

languages was carried out, and in two cases, also the

re-Latinization of writing, that is, a return to the Latin

script. These language reforms were, to a greater or

lesser extent, part of the world trends of the eras in

which they were carried out, or a response to such

trends. The reforms left behind many consequences in

various spheres of public life; but first of all, the change

in graphic principles entailed serious changes in the

languages themselves: the creation of modern literary

languages and changes in the lexical composition of

languages - due to the introduction of a large number

of neologisms (Sovietisms, internationalisms, etc.) and

natural and/or forced transformation into archaisms

words that were previously widely used.

There are situations in history when the interests of


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various political and social forces coincide. This is how

they coincided in the case of the Latinization of the

languages of the peoples of Central Asia, carried out in

the 1920s and early 1930s. But despite the coincidence

of interests, the participants in the process saw different

goals.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The Union Center needed a translation into Latin script

for the following reasons. Firstly, because Latinization

fit into the general context of solving the national

question and did not in any way contradict the policy of

«indigenization.» Already in the first post-revolutionary

years (1918–1924), the central union authorities took

measures to expand the functions and improve the

status of local languages and weaken the position of

the Russian language as a single national language.

Naturally, this required the creation of a written standard

for local languages. Secondly, Latinization contributed to

the rapprochement of the peoples of a huge state, but at

the same time, along with the border drawn in physical

space, it established a border in the space of the written

word. Thus, it separated all «Soviet» peoples from all

«non-Soviet» peoples - no matter how close the latter

were to the former in linguistic and cultural terms, that is,

it served the political goals of the authorities. Thirdly, for

quite a long time the leadership of the Communist Party

seriously expected the October Revolution to develop

into a world revolution and prepared for this.

The question of the Latinization of the Russian

language was even raised and considered - for the sake

of the victory of the world revolution, the ruling party was

ready for this too. The fourth reason, ideological, was that

at that time there was an open struggle against religion,

and here the reform was very useful. After all, it was

carried out primarily among the Tajiks and Turkic peoples

of the Volga region, Central Asia and the Caucasus who

professed Islam. The Latinization of alphabets meant

the undermining of the position of Arabic writing, and,

consequently, of those people and institutions that from

time immemorial were associated with its teaching and

dissemination - Islam and Islamic clergy. Finally, there

were two more reasons, not the most significant, but it

was precisely them that the authorities sought to focus

public attention on: the technical advantages of the Latin

alphabet in printing and teaching and the inability of

even the reformed Arabic alphabet to reflect the unique

phonetic structure of a number of languages.

The political elites of the Central Asian region were

of particular interest, seeking to consolidate their power

in the newly formed union and autonomous republics.

They needed language reform insofar as it contributed

to the creation of more clearly distinguishable contours

of new ethnic identities, giving legitimacy to new state

formations and their first established borders. At the

same time, from the point of view of the possible impact

on these identities, the Latin alphabet, unlike Arabic and

Cyrillic, seemed neutral politically, ideologically, and

ethnoculturally. Also in the Central Asian republics there

was a sincere desire and not only among the elite, but also

among part of the population, especially young people,

to quickly overcome a significant cultural gap, and the

experience of Albanians, Malays and Swahili seemed

to indicate that the Latin alphabet really helps in this.

ANALYSIS АND RESULTS

Generally speaking, the idea of switching to the

Latin alphabet was neither completely new nor adopted

suddenly and at once. Back in the second half of the 19th

century, the Azerbaijani educator Mirza Fatali Akhundov

developed a project for a new Turkic alphabet based

on Latin and Greek script. The first practical attempt to

introduce a Latinized alphabet was made in Yakutia: it was

prepared in 1917, and officially adopted in 1920. True,

due to the presence of a number of shortcomings in this

alphabet, in 1929 Yakutia switched to a unified Latinized

alphabet. Almost simultaneously, the Latinization of the

alphabet began in Azerbaijan: in 1918, that is, even

before the establishment of Soviet power, three projects

of a Latinized alphabet were submitted to the Azerbaijani

Majlis for consideration. During open discussions

organized by the Soviet government of Azerbaijan in

December 1921, the arguments of «Latinists» and

«Arabists» were voiced. The authorities considered the

arguments in favor of Latinization more convincing and

began to carry out the reform. In 1922, a committee was

created for the transition to the Latin alphabet, headed

by Nariman Narimanov himself, chairman of the Council

of People’s Commissars of the AzSSR and the Union

Council of the Transcaucasian Federation. By decree

of June 27, 1924, the new alphabet was declared state

and mandatory for use on the territory of the AzSSR.

Somewhat earlier, in 1923, North Ossetia, Ingushetia

and Kabarda switched to the Latin script.

In 1926, the All-Union Central Committee of the New

Turkic Alphabet (All-Union Central Committee of the New

Turkic Alphabet) was established in Moscow. Baku was

chosen as his place of residence, with the organization of

a representative office in Moscow to communicate with

the union bodies on organizational and financial issues.

The committee included 39 members, they represented

all the Turkic union and autonomous republics, the North

Caucasus region, the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet

Socialist Republic, the Turkic population of Armenia

and Georgia. On June 1, 1927, the first plenum of the

All-Russian Central Committee of the NTA took place;

it was proposed to transform the committee from an

advisory div into a governing and planning one. At


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the same time, the committee selected the Azerbaijani

project from 17 proposed projects for a unified Latin

alphabet and approved it for further distribution. Thus,

by 1926, when the campaign for mass Latinization of

Turkic languages began, the USSR had accumulated

considerable theoretical and practical experience in this

area. Major linguists were involved, such as Samed-

aga Agamaly-ogly, B.M. Grande, E.D. Polivanov, A.A.

Reformatsky, L.V. Shcherba, N.V. Yushmanov, N.F.

Yakovlev and others, the necessary large material and

administrative resources were involved.

The decisive stage in the implementation of

Latinization was the First All-Union Turkological

Congress, held in Baku in February - March 1926. It

was not by chance that the capital of Azerbaijan was

chosen to host it: the Azerbaijani language had already

been translated into Latin. The congress was attended

by representatives of all Turkic autonomous regions and

republics, as well as delegates from the academies of

sciences of the USSR and Ukraine, from the All-Union and

Transcaucasian associations of orientalists, scientists

from Turkey, Germany and other countries, and the

President of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal. After

discussion, the congress by a majority vote adopted a

resolution recommending the transfer of the alphabets

of all Turkic peoples of the USSR without exception from

Arabic to Latin script. The voting results were as follows:

«for» – 101 votes, «against» – 7 and 6 abstentions. Thus,

the reform received legitimate grounds for acquiring an

all-Union scale.

At the second plenum of the All-Russian Central

Committee of the NTA, held in January 1928 in

Tashkent, the stages of reform were determined: the

immediate introduction of the Latin alphabet in second-

level schools (secondary) and in vocational schools,

and from the 1928/29 academic year – in first-level

schools ( initial). The third plenum took place in Kazan

in December of the same 1928. At it, they agreed on

the timing of the reform: five to six years is too long,

one year, as in Turkey, is unrealistic; We agreed on a

compromise: two, maximum three years. On August 15,

1930, the Presidium of the Council of Nationalities of

the Central Executive Committee of the USSR decided

to transfer the committee, whose activities had long

gone beyond the borders of Azerbaijan, from Baku to

Moscow. Its apparatus consisted of 29 people, divided

into four sectors: Caucasian, Turkic-Tatar, Finno-Ugric

languages and technological. In total, the committee

supervised the work on the Latinization of 70 languages

of the peoples of the USSR. From the beginning of the

1930s, its administrative functions came to the fore as

the «struggle for early Latinization» unfolded. At the

same time, the main task was no longer the creation of

alphabets, but the development of the literary languages

of the peoples of the USSR, which was impossible to

do in one or two years.

In 1926, at the Fourth Session of the Central Executive

Committee of the Uzbek SSR, it was decided to abandon

the Arabic alphabet and switch to Latin. The Central

Committee of the New Uzbek Alphabet (CC NUA) is

being created, consisting of 44 people, including Yu.

Akhunbabaev (chairman). According to the initial plan

approved by the Central Executive Committee of the

Uzbek SSR, the transition to the new alphabet was to

be completed in the republic by the end of 1932. But

the «successes of socialist construction on all fronts»

force these deadlines to be shortened (quite in the spirit

and pace of the first five-year plans): the transition is

declared completed at the end of 1929.

It is necessary to note the factors that significantly

facilitated the transition to the Latin alphabet for the

Central Asian republics. First of all, they had at their

disposal the experience of other republics of the USSR,

where Latinization began and ended earlier. Further, the

level of illiteracy in the region was high, that is, there

were relatively few people who needed to be reeducated.

Courses were opened for them with the right to take an

external exam to obtain a certificate of literacy in the

new Turkic alphabet. In Central Asia it was much easier

to replace the old Arabic alphabet with a new one than,

for example, in Turkey, also because it was not in the

interests of the Soviet government to translate a large

number of books published in Arabic script into Latin.

There were not many printing houses in the region that

needed to be re-equipped.

CONCLUSION

It can be assumed that here we see the negative

consequences of Latinization, although at the rate of

liquidation of illiteracy set in those years, the quality

of the education received would probably have fallen

even without translation into the Latin alphabet. But

if the question of the pros and cons of Latinization in

education remains controversial, there is no doubt that

other goals of the forces interested in reform, primarily

political and ideological, have been achieved.

Language reforms carried out, carried out and planned

for implementation in Central Asia serve as excellent

indicators of the degree of freedom or non-freedom of

society from state control and from the manipulation

of public opinion by political elites. It is worth noting

that relatinization has been carried out or is planned

to be carried out in states that have chosen linguistic

nationalism, monolingualism and re-traditionalization

of the main spheres of public life as a strategic political

course.

It can be said that the method of making decisions

on carrying out linguistic transformations that was and is

being used in the region is deeply symptomatic. Politicians


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did not even always involve the expert community for

preliminary discussion and planning. More often than not,

everything was decided in a narrow circle of authorities,

quickly and without a comprehensive discussion of

the details of the reform or calculation of its possible

consequences. And then, through the media, people

unexpectedly learned about the government’s readiness

to meet his «numerous and ardent wishes» to change

the familiar alphabet to a new one.

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служба. - URL: http://ruskline.ru/opp/2015/3/28/kirgiziya otkazhetsya ot russkogo v respublike pred lagayut

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1901. – P. 68.

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Education. – Cambridge: University Press, 1995. – P. 112–141.

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References

Библиографические ссылки

Сура 12. Йусуф. [Электронный ресурс] // Словари и энциклопедии на Академике. – URL: http: //www.koran.academic.ru (дата обращения: 19.06.2013).

Хождение за три моря Афанасия Никитина / Подготовка текста М. Д. Каган-Тарковской и Я. С. Лурье, перевод Л. С. Семенова, комментарии Я. С. Лурье и Л. С. Семенова [Электронный ресурс] // Институт русской литературы (Пушкинский дом) Российской Академии Наук. - URL: http://www.pushkinskiidom.ru/ Default.aspx?tabid=5068 (дата обращения: 14.07.2014).

Шалгимбекова А. Б. Особенности государственной политики в образовательной системе Казахстана в начале XX столетия [Электронный ресурс] // Журнал «Медицина и образование в Сибири». – URL: http://ngmu.ru/cozo/mos/article/text full.php id=45 (дата обращения: 8.09.2014). Шустов А. Киргизия откажется от русского? В республике предлагают отменить официальный статус русского языка [Электронный ресурс] // Русская народная линия: информационно-аналитическая служба. - URL: http://ruskline.ru/opp/2015/3/28/kirgiziya otkazhetsya ot russkogo v respublike pred lagayut otmenit oficialnyj status russkogo yazyka/ (дата обращения: 30.05.2014)

Aleksandravicius E., Kulakauskas A. Сащ valdzioje. XIX amziaus Lietuva. –Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 1996. – P. 360.

Anand V. S. Evaluation in Schools. Some Measures // Reforming Examinations. – New Delhi: NCERT, 1978. – P. 15–24.

Askienazy S. Sto lat zarzadu w Krolestwie Polskim 1800-1900. – Lwow: Nakl. Ksigarni H. Altenberga, 1901. – P. 68.

Barthold V. A Short History of Turkestan // Four Studies on the History of Central Asia. – Leiden: Brill, 1956. – P. 183.

Bretchneider E. Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources. – London: Trübner & Co, 1888. - Vol. II. – P. 379.

Brodowska H. Historia Polski drugiej polowy XIX wieku. Okres kapitalizmu przedmonopolistycznego. - Lodz; Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1962. - 254 s.

Carré I. Méthode pratique de langage et de lecture d’Écriture, de Calcul, etc. -11-me edition. – Paris: Librairie armand colin, 1908. – P. 107.

Deutsches Kolonial-Lexicon / Hrsg. von Heinrich Schnee. – Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1920. – P. 347.

Donahue T. American Language Policy and Compensatory Opinion // Power and Inequality in Language Education. – Cambridge: University Press, 1995. – P. 112–141.

Grandguillaume G. Les Langues au Maghreb: des corps en peine de voix // Esprit, Immobilismes au Maghreb. – Algérie: Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Lyon, 2004. № 10. – P. 92–102.

Haugen E. Planning for a standard language in modern Norway // Anthropological Linguistics, 1959. №8. – P. 8–21.

John A. Hall. Nationalisms: Classified and Explained // Daedalus, 1993. -Summer. - V 122 n 3 p 1 (26). – P. 1–13.

Thaden Edward C. Russification in Tsarist Russian // Modern Encyklopedia of Soviet and Russia History. - Vol. 32. - 1983. – P. 205–212.

The Turkic language / Ed. by Lars Johanson and Eva A. Csato. – London; New York: Routledge, 2006. – P. 498

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