Volume 03 Issue 06-2023
38
International Journal Of Law And Criminology
(ISSN
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Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
ABSTRACT
This article is devoted to the relations between the European Union and the Central Asian republics. It discusses a
number of internal and external factors that may affect the development of bilateral and multilateral relations. These
factors force the European Union to pursue a balanced policy in the region. The success of the Union's policy in Central
Asia depends on the stable maintenance of this balance. In this sense, the author likens the European Union to a
tightrope walker performing a grand spectacle.
The relations between the EU and Central Asia have a peculiar history and development trends. The mutual relations
of the Central Asian countries with the European Union differ from relations with other international organizations.
Author pays a special attention to the current state and proposes to upgrade these relations through enhancement
of externally and internally balanced policy.
KEYWORDS
The European Union, Member-states, Central Asia, foreign policy, balance, reciprocity, cooperation, partnership,
strategy.
INTRODUCTION
The art of tightrope walking, well-known also as a
funambulism, occupies a special spot in the historical
traditions of both Eastern and Western nations.
Especially, in the Middle Ages and even until recent
times, national and local celebrations did not pass
without demonstrating various games on the ropes. A
tightrope walker who can walk on a thin rope at a
height of several tens of meters and perform various
exercises has been making people's hearts flutter for
several centuries. The skill of the tightrope walker who
walks “on a tightrope like a sword's edge” lies in the
ability to use the anchor in his hand correctly and to
keep his balance. If he can't keep his balance, he is sure
to fall down.
Research Article
BALANCED POLICY OF THE EU IN CENTRAL ASIA
Submission Date:
June 03, 2023,
Accepted Date:
June 08, 2023,
Published Date:
June 13, 2023
Crossref doi:
https://doi.org/10.37547/ijlc/Volume03Issue06-07
Khaydarali Yunusov
Phd In International Law, Senior Researcher Of The Institute Of State And Law Of The Academy Of Sciences Of
Uzbekistan, Docent Of The International Islamic Academy Of Uzbekistan
Journal
Website:
https://theusajournals.
com/index.php/ijlc
Copyright:
Original
content from this work
may be used under the
terms of the creative
commons
attributes
4.0 licence.
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The European Union (EU), which is increasingly active
in world politics, can be compared to that tightrope
walker. The Union should keep a balanced foreign
policy in international arena. Otherwise, the Union
cannot achieve any success in external policy. The
Union's policy in Central Asia (CA) is no exception.
Meaning and scope of the "balance" in the foreign
policy of the EU
towards Central Asia.
The term of “balance” has a special meaning in the
foreign policy of the European Union. Its uniqueness
lies in the fact that it manifests itself as an expression
of internal policy in external relations, reflecting
coherence with the internal order and principles of the
Union.
Based on abovementioned, the Union must ensure the
following balances in order to conduct a successful
foreign policy in the region:
First, the European Union should balance the interests
of institutional (EU) and national statehood (Member-
states) in foreign policy, first of all, by coordinating its
activities subordinated to the interests of the Union
with the foreign policy of the Member States aiming at
national interests. That is, the European Union is a
structure that unites 27 member states and takes
responsibility for the legal regulation and management
of a number of areas of economy and social life. In
these areas the European Union exercises legislative
authority, ensures control over the execution of
legislative acts, establishes an independent judicial
authority. The exclusive competences of the Union are
defined in the EU Treaties, namely in the Articles 2-6 of
the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union
(TFEU) [1]. Other areas of economy and social life are
within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Member States.
Some areas fall under the joint competences of the
Union and the Member States. In other words, “Shared
competence” means that both the EU and its Member
States may adopt legally binding acts in the area
concerned. However, the Member States can do so
only where the EU has not exercised its competence or
has explicitly ceased to do so.
Striking a balance in the area of joint competences is
not particularly easy. Thus, the European Union is a
statelike structure that operates on the basis of the
principle of distribution of powers.
As in domestic policy, foreign policy follows the
principle of separation of powers between the EU and
the Member States: the limits of competence in
domestic policy apply equally to the foreign policy of
the Union and the Member States. Therefore, the
desire to ensure the distribution of powers and the
balance of interests between the European Union and
the Member States is clearly visible in the Union's
strategies for Central Asia.
Secondly, based on the principle of reciprocity, the
European Union has to balance its interests with the
regional interests of Central Asia within the framework
of interregional partnership relations. Because
partnership relations develop and strengthen only on
the basis of mutual interest. One-sided interest cannot
be the basis for stable relations. Therefore, in its
relations with Central Asia, the EU should take into
account not only its own or its Member States'
interests, but also the joint or separate interests of the
countries of the Central Asian region and balance
them.
The interests of the European Union in Central Asia are
manifested in the following points:
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First, with its territory of about 3.5 mln. km² and 75
million populations, Central Asia is a great consumer
market for the European Union. The continued
increase of population and high consuming capacity of
the region makes it even more attractive. In other
words, there is a diversified market for all of the
products produced in Europe.
Second, the EU member states are massive consumers
of Central Asian energy resource products. Especially,
the region’s gas, oil, uranium and precious metal
deposits have long been of keen interest to European
business. Central Asia's richness in gas and oil reserves
makes the region especially attractive. The EU seeks to
secure energy supplies, especially in view of its
dependency on Russia, which delivers substantial part
of its oil and gas imports.
Third, located among Russia, China, India and Iran, the
region is the most sensitive part of geopolitical balance
of the Eurasian continent. The disturbance of this
balance may provoke strategic threats of various kinds.
For example, the potential threats within the region:
extremism, separatism, nationalism, parochialism,
drug traffic, and other kinds of threats could constitute
a source of threat for Europe’s security as well. That
includes the situation in Afghanistan, which is integral
part of regional security of Central Asia.
Finally, with its rich history, traditions, national and
local peculiarities, enlightenment and other features,
Central Asia is an attractive region to Europe. The
increasing flow of tourists to the region is the best
proof for such a statement. This region has promising
chances of becoming “spiritual and cultural resort” or
“relaxing base” for Europe in near future.
In its turn, having united 27 states, with a half billion
people and 4,233,255.3 km², third by its population
number, after China and India and appeared seventh
biggest by its territory, the European Union has a
significant rank in foreign policy of Central Asian
republics. Multilateral and bilateral relations with the
European Union and its member states is considered
one of the main foreign policy directions of the
countries of the region.
The significance of bilateral relations for Central Asia is
reflected on the following statements:
First, the leading states (Germany, France, Italy, Spain
and others) of the European Union constitute the
source of high technologies to Central Asia. Applying
modern western technologies in aircraft construction,
mechanical engineering, agriculture, pharmaceutics,
construction and generally, in all aspects of production
is of vital importance in developing medium and small
business in Central Asia.
Second, the European Union (taken as a whole with all
its member states) represents the second biggest,
after CIS, consumer-market for supplies of Central
Asian countries.
Third, Western Europe is not only the main commercial
partner of the region, but also the main source of
investments. From initial periods of independence, one
of the central concerns was to attract foreign
investments into the countries of the region, and
favorable investment environment has been created
for them.
Finally, ensuring and maintaining common stability and
security in Eurasia is an urgent task for both respective
parties. The European Union and Central Asia are
equally concerned with fighting threats such as
international terrorism, drug trade, extremism and
other kinds, and providing regional stability.
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Third, the Union should “regionalize” its policy in
Central Asia at the regional level and balance its
regional approach, which provides a unified solution to
common problems specific to the region, with a
differentiated individual approach that is focused on
each country in the region deriving from their
uniqueness. It is necessary to harmonize the
framework of multilateral relations with the
framework of bilateral relations. One of these two
approaches should be chosen depending on the extent
to which the goals and objectives of cooperation are
expected to be more effective or the nature of the
problem to be solved.
Specifically, in the first strategy adopted in 2007, (Part
IV. Bilateral and regional cooperation) a balanced
bilateral and regional approach of the EU had been
emphasized according to which “the EU will balance
policy approaches in Central Asia according to the
differing needs of every country and to the
performance of each country. The EU will foster
regional cooperation among Central Asian States and
between Central Asian States and other regions.
Bilateral cooperation will be of special importance. It
will be strengthened to respond adequately to
individual proposals brought forward by each of the
five Central Asian States. It is essential to cooperate
bilaterally on issues such as human rights, economic
diversification, energy and other sectoral issues,
including youth and education. The intensity of the
cooperation will reflect the commitment to transition
and reform of each country.
A regional approach is suitable for tackling common
regional challenges such as organized crime, human,
drugs and arms trafficking, terrorism and non-
proliferation issues, inter-cultural dialogue, energy,
environmental
pollution,
water
management,
migration as well as border management and transport
infrastructure. In this regard the EU will cooperate with
international financial institutions, multilateral and
regional organisations and institutions
” [2].
In the new strategy adopted in 2019, the main elements
of bilateral relations have retained their importance. In
particular, it was noted that respect for human rights
remains an important element of the EU's bilateral
relations with the countries of the region. At the same
time, the Union has maintained a regional approach to
solving regional and transnational problems in Central
Asia.
In short, although the new 2019 strategy shows the
EU's desire to maintain and coordinate the bilateral
and regional approach, it does not draw a sharp
straight line between the bilateral and the regional
approach.
Fourthly, the European Union seeks to establish
cooperation and partnership with all the countries of
Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan). Without it, the policy
of the Union in the region will not gain integrity and
may turn into chaos. The Union aims to establish
relations with each country of the region, taking into
account its specific characteristics. At the same time,
such “consideration of specific characteristics” should
not create discriminatory situations between them. A
differential approach based on the circumstances of
each country cannot be interpreted as discriminatory.
Therefore, the Union's individual approach to each
country in Central Asia should be conducted on the
basis of the principle of equality and rationally
balanced. In particular, the distribution of the Union's
financial assistance to the countries of the region
should not demonstrate discriminatory sharp
differences between them. The experience of the past
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years shows that there was an uneven distribution of
financial assistance provided by the EU to the countries
of the region (especially per capita), which at the time
caused dissatisfaction among the countries of the
region.
Fifth, it is important that the Union is able to balance
its economic interests in the region with its political
interests. It is natural that the demands of human
rights and democracy were not matured for the Central
Asian republics, which in the first decades after
independence put the main emphasis on economic
recovery. In some cases, the politicization of
cooperation, that is, the main emphasis on political
aspects, can damage the economic interests of both
parties.
According to some observers, the first strategy of the
Union, adopted in 2007, frustrated the attempts to
“Europeanize” the internal politics of the Central Asian
republics [3]. The requirements and demands of
European democracy and human rights did not give
the expected results.
However, the EU's new strategy adopted in 2019 places
a wider and deeper focus on human rights [4]. The
word “human rights” appears in more than 20 parts in
the document “The EU and Central Asia: New
Opportunities for a Stronger Partnership”. However, it
can be felt that some politically sensitive issues were
sounded in a slightly softened tone. For example, the
phrase “democratization” found in the first strategy
was replaced by the phrase “promoting democracy”.
In the new strategy, it is observed that the EU has
taken a step towards a pragmatic approach that seeks
more material and economic interests.
Sixth, as it moves closer to the Central Asian region
both geographically and geopolitically, the EU has to
balance its short-term plans with long-term goals. Sure
thing, the era of foreign policy based on the pursuit of
short-term interests has passed. Today's international
relations agenda relies on the logic of long forward-
looking steps.
The European Union and Central Asia have a long
history of relations. The future possibilities of this
relationship with historical traditions are endless. The
fact that both regions are located in one geographical
space - the Eurasian space - requires the EU to balance
long-term strategies with short-term goals.
Seventh, investment cooperation is the most
important direction of the EU-Central Asia relations.
The European Union and its advanced Member-states
are also the main source of high technologies and
investments for Central Asia.
A significant share of the private sector in the
European
economy
requires
balancing
the
participation of the state and private sector in the
external economic activities of the Union, in particular,
in investing into the countries of Central Asia.
Eighth, the EU-Central Asia relations should not be
limited only to official circles. After all, the main
beneficiaries of these relations are ordinary people and
society. The weak aspects of the EU-Central Asian
relations are still relevant in connection with this logic.
Since increasing the active participation of “people's
diplomacy” in bilateral and multilatera
l relations is one
of the main tasks of the Union, it is important to
balance the official inter-governmental institutional
dialogue
with
informal
non-institutional
non-
governmental relations in the relations of the
European Union with Central Asia.
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Unfortunately, although the official level relations (i.e.
diplomatic and intergovernmental) have been
developing steadily, unofficial relations i.e. public
diplomacy (relations between nongovernmental
structures,
civil
society
institutions)
remain
underdeveloped and need to be given serious
attention.
Moreover, EU-CA relations have not been noticed (or,
unpopular) in “lower” levels of society. Ordinary public
is not well informed about the contributions of such
relationships in their lives. Recent developments in
EU’s internal and external policies, “Brexit” and other
events have increased a necessity for reliable and
unbiased information about the EU and its’
consequences in other regions like CA.
Academic and scientific exchanges also remain
insufficiently developed. Scientific publications and
scholarly works on the European Union remain
underdeveloped in Central Asia. The EU-CA academic
networks, scientific communities, joint projects and
grants well below their actual potential. Fostering
relations between academic communities may
contribute to the further development of other areas
like cultural and scientific cooperations, mutual
understanding between peoples, business-touristic
cooperaton in, etc. Therefore, it is very important to
convene non-officials, civil societies and academic
representatives around the table through the joint
workshops and seminars, and to increase the amount
and quality of publications (both public and scientific)
in order to provide policy makers as well as general
public with reliable and necessary information.
Ninth, the EU needs to be able to select tactical tools
appropriate to its long-term and short-term strategies
in the region and establish a reasonable balance
between them.
Some experts argue that the European Union's 2007
strategy for Central Asia has failed. According to
experts, although certain positive results have been
achieved, concrete results have not been achieved
since “the goals were too broad, and the means to
achieve them were too narrow” [5]. It follows fr
om this
that it is possible to achieve the expected results only
when the strategic goals of the Union and the tactical
means of their realization are mutually proportional.
This was one of the main lessons of the first strategy of
2007.
Geopolitical aspect of the EU Policy in Central Asia.
Finally, one should not forget the geopolitical factors
affecting the relations between the European Union
and Central Asia. The short-term and long-term
strategies of the Union require taking into account and
balancing the interests of the more powerful players in
the region like Russia, China, the USA, and Iran.
The new 2019 strategy emphasizes the interests and
participation of third parties in the region and the non-
exclusive principle of cooperation with them.
According to paragraph 8 of the Council's conclusions,
"The Strategy of the EU is aimed at establishing a non-
exclusive partnership with the countries of Central
Asia". The Union aims to establish a strong, modern
and non-exclusive partnership, which aims to make
Central Asia a stable economic and political,
developing and interconnected region. But every one
may ensure that the principle of non-exclusivity is very
variable and depends on geopolitical reality.
The EU's success in Central Asia also depends on its
cooperation with its key partners and allies in the
region. At the moment, the question of what role the
United States, the third global power in the region, will
play in Central Asia in the future remains open. In 2011,
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the Silk Road Initiative project put forward by the US
Secretary of State H. Clinton did not move forward, it
seems that the interests and influence of the United
States in the region are fading [6]. In which direction
this situation will be changed by the next
administrations remains a very urgent and, at the same
time, puzzling question [7].
In other words, the European Union is subject to
Russia's geopolitical whims, China's growing economic
influence, the United States' “political uncertainty”,
Iran's “imperceptibly slipping” into re
gion, India's
“wrapped up” policy in cultural ties, Turkey's
ambitions of “Turkish language brotherhood”, the
Islamic world's policy of religious solidarity should be
able to pursue its own policy and find its place in the
geopolitical space of the region.
Although external factors are not denied, the
European Union has enough internal opportunities and
reserves to further develop partnership and
cooperation in Central Asia. Now, the EU needs to
balance not only with the main geopolitical players in
the region, but also between its internal and external
capabilities. Only then will the Union's policy in Central
Asia be successful.
The EU policy on Central Asia: from a cooperation
strategy to the new partnership opportunity.
In fact, the relations of the EU with the countries of the
Central Asian region have never been linear. The
studies of evolution of the relationship between the EU
and Central Asia show that EU had to change its
strategy, position and policy a number of times. Lack of
information about the region in general, and countries
of the region in particular, immaturity of common
external policy and institutional arrangements at the
1990s could be seen as the main reasons for that.
However, pertinent transformations in the region are
undoubtedly pushing the EU to modify its strategic
priorities in the region.
Historically, Central Asia has a centuries-old tradition of
bringing Europe and Asia together as it lies at a
strategically important intersection between the two
continents. The Central Asian states have undergone
serious political and economic transformations since
the beginning of their independence. When CA
countries entered into the international scene as
independent states 30 years ago, a number of
European countries started establishing a permanent
dialogue with them.
The break-up of the Soviet Union and emergence of
new independent states in Central Asia in the 1990s led
to significant geopolitical changes. The formation of
the republics of Central Asia was taking place during a
crucial moment in the history of international relations
and encouraged to change the geopolitical situation on
the Eurasian continent, adjusting the interests of world
powers. At the beginning of the 21st century, the time
has come for a new partnership between the EU and
Central Asia states in a globalized world. The common
goal to achieve stability and prosperity by means of a
peaceful inter-action made Europe and Central Asia
relations for increased cooperation. The strong EU
commitment towards its Eastern neighbours within
the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy
has also brought Europe and Central Asia closer to each
other, both in terms of political cooperation and
economic development.
Up to present days, these relations have significantly
developed and revealed closeness of values, economic
and security interests. The growing dynamics of
bilateral relations between the EU Member States and
the countries of Central Asia also confirmed that there
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is a significant potential for strategic partnership
between the EU and CA region.
However, EU-CA relationship has not reached its peak
yet. Within the framework of current relationships
there are many unutilized spaces, and these are the
areas of opportunity. Prospects of the future
cooperation will depend on the effective utilization of
those missed opportunities. Particularly, many
challenges facing the globalized world affect Europe
and Central Asia alike, and warrant a common
response. Security questions and regional economic
development require close cooperation of the EU with
each
Central
Asian
state,
considering
their
geographical location, in particular with respect to
Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran. This applies to
developments in the areas of border management,
migration, the fight against organized crime and
international terrorism, as well as human, drugs, and
arms trafficking.
The dependency of the EU on external energy sources
and the need for a diversified energy supply policy in
order to increase energy security open further
perspectives for cooperation between the EU and
Central Asia. EU efforts to strengthen local energy
markets will help to improve investment conditions,
increase energy production and efficiency in Central
Asia and diversify energy supply and distribution in the
region.
At the time of the European Union’s recognition in the
international arena as a major economic and financial
institute, the necessity of uplifting Central Asian
political, economic, trade and cultural relations with
this organization and its member states to a new stage
requires elaboration of a thorough analysis of politico-
legal and economic bases of these bilateral relations.
The EU's strategies on Central Asia favour a balanced
bilateral and regional approach which takes due
account of the specific requirements and performance
of each individual country. Regular political dialogue
with the countries of the region will aim not only to
increase cooperation in the various fields such as
economics, transport, energy, the environment and
education, but also to create a broader foundation of
shared values based among other things on the rule of
law and human rights.
It should be noted that the growing dynamic
cooperation is one of recent characteristics of the EU-
Central Asia relations. Moreover, these relations cover
almost all aspects of cooperation. According to former
HR/VP Federica Mogherini “…the European Union and
Central Asia
are partners for change…But this isn't just
about business, as it wasn't just about the trade route.
Diversity and pluralism are written in this region's
history, and there is no reason to fear them, be it on
Central Asian territory, in Europe or elsewhere. On the
contrary, diversity and pluralism can only make our
States and our societies stronger. With independent
media, an open space for civil society, human rights for
all, institutions are more credible, States more resilient
in times of crisis
–
and you know that we are crossing
times of crisis - and economies are more solid and
attractive. This is another interest we share. A
partnership for change is a partnership for innovation,
for research and for human growth” [8].
CONCLUSION
The European Union differs from other subjects of
international relations with its complex organizational-
political structure and legal status in the international
arena. In the context of multilateral interests, goals
and tasks, the EU should be able to choose long-term
and short-term strategies and appropriate tactical
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tools, coordinate the external activities of the
organization and, at the same time, the Member
States, and thereby ensure a reasonable balance
between them.
The European Union, as described above, is a
metaphorical tightrope walker on the rope. It has
become a matter of life and death for the Union to be
able to maintain balance in the vortex of various
contradictions and processes. Its position, influence
and power in the international arena depend on how
to extent it maintains this balance. At the time being,
the situation of the Union in this regard can only be
assessed as satisfactory. As the cumulative influence of
the factors influencing the balance increases, it
becomes more and more difficult to further the
balance on the ropes. It all depends on the skill of “the
tightrope walker” now.
REFERENCES
1.
Consolidated version of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union. OJ C 202,
7.6.2016, p. 51
–
51: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-
content/en/TXT/?uri=CELEX:12016E003
2.
“The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New
Partnership”. Council of the European Union,
Brussels, 31 May 2007, 10113/07/PESC 655/COEST
179:
http://register.consilium.europa.eu/pdf/en/07/st10/
st10113.en07.pdf
3.
Neil Winn & Stefan Gänzle (2022): Recalibrating EU
Foreign Policy Vis-à-vis Central Asia: Towards
Principled Pragmatism and Resilience, Geopolitics,
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