Внешняя политика Великобритании в Центральноазиатском регионе в период 2001-2021 гг.

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Foreign policy of Great Britain in the Central Asian region
in the period 2001

–

2024

Shakhnoza AZIMBAYEVA

1

University of World Economy and Diplomacy

ARTICLE INFO

ABSTRACT

Article history:

Received August 2024

Received in revised form

15 September 2024

Accepted 15 October 2024

Available online

25 November 2024

The article studies the state and development of the Central

Asian vector of British foreign policy in the period 2001

–

2024.

To simplify the analysis, the article examines the policies of the

country’s three prime ministers, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, and

David Cameron, towards Central Asia. The main priorities,
differences, and similarities between the strategic visions of the
aforementioned heads of government are identified. The author

also investigated the main factors that influenced the presence
of Great Britain in Central Asia.

2181-

1415/©

2024 in Science LLC.

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.47689/2181-1415-vol5-

iss5-pp11-19

This is an open access article under the Attribution 4.0 International

(CC BY 4.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ru)

Keywords:

Great Britain,

Central Asia,

foreign policy,

Tony Blair,

Gordon Brown,

David Cameron,

business interests,

economic cooperation,

international relations.

2001

–

2024-yillar davrida Buyuk Britaniya Markaziy Osiyo

mintaqadagi tashqi siyosati

ANNOTATSIYA

Kalit so‘zlar

:

Buyuk Britaniya,

Markaziy Osiyo,

tashqi siyosat,

Toni Bler,

Gordon Braun,

Devid Kemeron,

biznes manfaatlar,

iqtisodiy hamkorlik,

xalqaro munosabatlar.

Maqolada 2001

–

2021-yillar oralig

‘

ida Buyuk Britaniya

tashqi siyosatida Markaziy Osiyo vektorining holati va

rivojlanishi ko

‘

rib chiqilgan. Tahlilni soddalashtirish uchun

maqolada mamlakatning uchta bosh vaziri Toni Bler, Gordon
Braun va Devid Kemeronning Markaziy Osiyoga nisbatan

siyosati o

‘

rganilgan. Yuqorida tilga olingan hukumat

rahbarlarining

strategik

g

‘

oyalari

o

‘

rtasidagi

asosiy

ustuvorliklar, farqlar va o

‘

xshashliklar aniqlangan. Muallif

tomonidan shuningdek, Buyuk Britaniyaning Markaziy

Osiyodagi siyosatiga ta’sir ko‘

rsatgan asosiy omillarni ham

o

‘

rganib chiqilgan.

1

Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science (PhD) Lecturer, University of World Economy and Diplomacy.

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Внешняя политика Великобритании в
Центральноазиатском регионе в период 2001–2021 гг.

АННОТАЦИЯ

Ключевые слова:

Великобритания,

Центральная Азия,

внешняя политика,

Тони Блэр,

Гордон Браун,

Дэвид Кэмерон,

бизнес

-

интересы,

экономическое

сотрудничество,

международные

отношения.

В статье рассматриваются состояние и развитие

центральноазиатского

вектора

внешней

политики

Великобритании в период 2001–2021 гг. Для упрощения

анализа статья изучает политику трех премьер

-

министров

страны Тони Блэра, Гордона Брауна и Дэвида Кэмерона в
отношении Центральной Азии. Раскрыты основные

приоритеты, различия и сходства между стратегическими
видениями вышеупомянутых глав правительств. Также

автором исследованы основные факторы повлиявшие на
присутствие Великобритании в Центральной Азии.

At the beginning of the new century, in 2000, the world entered with new types of

threats, risks, opportunities and with a new rhetoric of international relations. The

events of September 11, 2001, attracted the attention of the global community, primarily
of the developed countries of the West, to Afghanistan and the partially adjacent Central

Asian region.

However, even despite the rich history of relations between the United Kingdom

and the former state formations in Central Asia such as the Bukhara Emirate or the Khiva
Khanate, and its active participation in the geopolitical games of the region during the

Great Game in the 19th

–

early 20th centuries, the state of its foreign policy in Central

Asia in the period of the global

“crusade” against terrorism was not distinguished by its

complexity or conceptualism. It was focused on two broad strategies

–

partly on the

strategy of NATO alliance countries and with a great preponderance on the foreign policy

visions of Tony Blair, the country’s prime minister.

This example clearly shows that the foreign policy of Great Britain in the Central

Asian region in the period 2001

–

2021 can be divided into three main parts, the foreign

policy of T. Blair, G. Brown, and D. Cameron, heads of government.

During the study of the material on the topic and its analysis, both theoretical and

empirical methods of research were used. In particular, the historical-chronological

method contributed to the identification of the temporal structure of events related to
the foreign policy of Great Britain in Central Asia during this period. The context analysis

became the basis for studying the key priority areas of the concepts of the country’s

prime ministers. The systemic method is used to structure the general ideological

rhetoric in UK foreign policy in the Central Asian region. Also, the comparative analysis
method was used to differentiate temporal and personal factors in the formation and

implementation of this policy.

The foreign policy of Great Britain in a fairly long period (from 1997 to 2007) of

Tony Blair’s tenure as Prime Minister of the country differed from the previous policy of

John Major (1990

–

1997) in its scope based on

“three “big ideas”, namely, multilateralism,

Atlanticism and neo-liberalism

”

[1:911]. On the one hand, the United Kingdom sought to

finalize its position in the EU, to step up against new threats within NATO, and to

differentiate British foreign policy, especially in a trade and economic context.

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Since the political activity of Great Britain during the second administration of

Tony Blair gradually but fully focused on the war in Afghanistan and “

culminated in the

long-drawn-out disputes over Iraq

”

[4], Central Asia, as a region with political

significance, and without becoming fully conceptualized in British official stand, began to

move into one of the last ranks in London’s priorities. However, in economic terms, Great

Britain tried to maintain its position in the region.

Traditionally, the country’s foreign policy in Central Asia was based on the priority

of British oil and gas companies, as well as companies specializing in providing services
to the oil and gas sector (financial, research, consulting, etc.)

–

leaders of British,

European and world business in general. And through the prism of their interests in the
Caspian region [3:58]. In this regard, for the UK, the most profitable partner since gaining

independence has been Kazakhstan, one of the largest countries in the Caspian region
and the largest country rich in natural resources, which also pursues an active policy of

attracting investors.

As many experts note, T. Blair

’

s government followed the path of strengthening the

"strategic partnership" with Astana to ensure the interests of not only oil and gas, but
also other British companies. The annual volume of export of services of British

companies to Kazakhstan significantly exceeds the volume of export of goods: about 900
million pounds during 2007

–

2008 [2]. British Aerospace has acquired a 49% stake in

Kazakhstan’s national carrier Air Astana. Large Kazakh companies choose the London

Stock Exchange to place their shares on the Western market. To strengthen the position,

the diplomatic presence in Kazakhstan was expanded, not only members of the
government but also the royal family were used for lobbying. With Astana, London is

implementing the largest military assistance program, and the British military attaché in

Kazakhstan is the only representative of the British military department in the region.

For the 2000s. British-Kazakh relations have been "overgrown" with numerous
organizations of an official and unofficial nature, providing a high density and numerous

channels of interaction (intergovernmental Kazakh-British Trade and Industry Council;
parliamentary groups on bilateral relations; British-Kazakh society under the patronage

of the Duke of York and President N. Nazarbayev; Caspian Information Center with the
participation of members of the British Parliament, etc.). [3]

In all three terms of the Tony Blair administration, a single strategy or action plan

for the country for Central Asia was not developed although there were attempts to

develop concepts of foreign policy in other post-Soviet areas such as the Baltic states or
the Caspian or the South Caucasus countries. Possibly, the official bodies of the UK mainly

strived to form more market and economically liberal relations with the Central Asian
countries. But their choice was based on the ambiguity of partners, like Kazakhstan,

which is part of both Central Asia and the Caspian region

. These actions of Blair’s

administration led to the underdevelopment of relations with other Central Asian states.

Gordon Brown was elected Prime Minister of Great Britain for only one term from

2007 to 2010

.

While Tony Blair was prime minister, his chancellor, Gordon Brown, was

rarely associated with international policy in the mind of the public. Instead, Brown’s

interest in certain international policy areas was largely overlooked and he was instead

linked in the mind of the public with domestic policy, while Blair, from 2001 onwards,

was associated largely with Britain’s relationships with international actors and large

-

scale military incursions in Afghanistan and Iraq [5:85].

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The coming to power of Gordon Brown was marked primarily by internal

contradictions in the Labor Party, from where both Brown and Blair were elected. These

internal political contradictions were closely linked to the failures of British foreign

policy, including the results of Great Britain’s participation in the protracted military

operations of the US-led coalition in Iraq and NATO in Afghanistan [6: 161]. However,

under Brown, Great Britain rather retained the foreign policy course created under Tony

Blair to the countries of the post-Soviet space, including Central Asia. This policy was

entirely based on economic and business interests. If British firms can make money on

the market of some post-Soviet state, then political relations with this country will be

successful. But there will be no political convergence in countries where the Brown

administration feels that British companies are facing insurmountable problems. In this

regard, in the post-Soviet space, Russia became the main partner of the United Kingdom,

in Central Asia, Kazakhstan remained such. However, in a more global vision, in the short

term of the Brown administration, the UK’s relations with the ex

-Soviet countries could

not fully improve, for example, relations with Russia were more tense, conflicting, and in

crisis on many issues of international politics.

However, even during the Brown administration, Central Asia did not become not

only a priority but even one of the conceptualized directions of British foreign policy.

Most likely, this is due to the lack of establishing sufficient trusting relations with Russia,

and because of this, considering Central Asia as a zone of influence of the Russian

Federation, the UK chose a more specific and non-comprehensive approach to

maintaining partnership with our region

–

to put economic goals in the vanguard and

ignore political overtones.

Unlike his two predecessors, Cameron was from another party, the Conservative

one. Perhaps because of this, the foreign policy of David Cameron, the 75th Prime

Minister of the United Kingdom (2010

–

2016), despite further failure on the issue related

to the referendum on leaving the EU and the Brexit processes that began after that, has

distinguished itself with his new vision. First, he was in favor of strengthening the global

role of Britain in the fight against new threats and close cooperation in this fight with the

United States. Under Cameron, Britain took part in an international coalition air

operation against the Libyan Republic, which was carried out in accordance with United

Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 of March 17, 2011, with the “aim of securing a

no-fly zone over Libya and protecting civilians from the regime Muammar Gaddafi

” [10]

.

Second, Cameron had fairly good connections with the Chinese business

community. He also chose the path of developing relations with such important but for

some reason forgotten during the cabinet of Labor, countries such as Pakistan, and

Bangladesh. Comprehensive trade relations with Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia

were strengthened, and relations were established at the highest level with Vietnam [7].

In other words, one of the novation’s of the Cameron administration was its desire to

build “relations with China and Asian countries, while maintaining good relations with

the American administration, regardless of its party-

political orientation” [11].

Even in the direction of Central Asia, Great Britain has taken clearer steps.

However, these actions were based on the already traditional interests of the kingdom

–

promoting business interests and strengthening already established ties e.g. with

Kazakhstan. In July 2013, the historic first visit of the British Prime Minister to

Kazakhstan took place. Then, David Cameron visited Atyrau, where, together with the

President of Kazakhstan, he took part in the opening ceremony of the Bolashak oil and

gas complex treatment plant, and also visited official Astana [8].

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British Prime Minister Cameron signed a strategic cooperation agreement as well

as $1.0 billion in deals with Kazakhstan during his visit. Deals besides energy also

covered infrastructure projects as well as those in the IT field. The British premier played

up the importance of Kazakhstan to regional security as he wound down a swing through

the region that included visits to Pakistan and Afghanistan: “Kazakhstan is on the rise ... a

country that wants to play a bigger role in the region and in the world. Not just an

emerging market, but an emerging power.” He also noted that the Kazakh government

had recently ratified an air route agreement that offered Britain “a new northern route to

bring our kit home from Afghanistan.

” [9]

Summing up, it can be noted that it was during the administration of David

Cameron that Kazakhstan officially became the highest priority state for Britain in all of

Central Asia. Also, Cameron’s policy has clearly shown and formalized the tradition that

has formed in the business and government circles of the United Kingdom since the 90s

of the last centuries, namely, to develop relations with post-Soviet countries on a bilateral

format rather than in a multilateral one. Concerning the dominance of foreign policy in

the decision-making process, business interests have not changed, they remained a vital

factor. Cameron’s visit to Kazakhstan can serve as a vivid example of this. Before and

after the visit, many local British media criticized the Prime Minister for his visit to a

country where human rights are being infringed and expected him to take more concrete

actions in this direction, but the Kazakh and British sides only exchanged views on

democratic and legal issues. Specific actions were taken only to improve economic

relations.

The resignation of David Cameron and the entire period (2016

–

2019) when

Theresa May was the prime minister, the second woman in the history of Great Britain to

head the government after Margaret Thatcher (1979

–

1990), was marked by one event

–

Brexit

–

to end the withdrawal from the European Union and negotiations to establish

new agreements with the EU. Although the Brexit process itself was not completed

during the May administration, the main processes were started at that time.

However, the formulation of the Central Asian policy of the 76th Prime Minister of

the United Kingdom is very complex. First, this is also because it is not an easy task to

characterize and conceptualize its general foreign policy outside of Brexit and the crisis

associated with this process. Second, as noted by many studies,

“

May is the first prime

minister who has had to grapple with the new reality and it hasn’t been easy,

particularly

since the election debacle of 2017 left her running a minority government… For May,

domestic politics always trumped foreign policy.

*

”

[12]

Although the uncertainty of both its general and Central Asian foreign policy, in

our opinion, is associated with the excessively large and ephemeral plans of the

government, which did not take into account the real state of Great Britain and remained

only as slogans, without special programs and implementation. For example, in January

2017, Theresa May argued she wanted the country to be “a truly Global Britain –

the best

friend and neighbor to our European partners, but a country that reaches beyond the

borders of Europe too. A country that goes out into the world to build relationships with

old friends and new allies alike” [13]. At first glance, these statements by T.

May at least

sowed hope for the development of a more diverse foreign policy of Britain, which would

focus not only on the country’s classic partners. But in reality, it was exactly the opposite.

*

However, if we take into account that in 2010 - 2016, Theresa May was the Minister of the Interior of UK, it seems

objective consequence.

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Central to the aspiration of Britain to be truly ‘Global’ is the desire to renew its ties

with

“old friends” in the “Anglosphere”,

particularly the USA, but also Canada, Australia

and New Zealand. Those in favour of Brexit had pointed out the possibility of signing

trade deals rapidly with those countries, for instance with New Zealand. Besides, Theresa

May was the first foreign head of government to meet Trump after his inauguration as

President of the USA. During the press conference they held together she insisted on “the

bonds of history, of family, kinship and common interests” between the two countries on

which closer ties in commerce, business, and foreign affairs would be founded. [13]

The only significant component of the Central Asian foreign policy of Great Britain

of this period is connected not with the region itself but with the most important players

and factors in the region

–

Russia and China. The cabinet of Theresa May deteriorated

relations with Russia. In March 2018, the Prime Minister blamed Moscow for the

poisoning in British Salisbury of former GRU Colonel Sergei Skripal, who was convicted in

Russia for espionage for Great Britain, and his daughter Yulia. May said they were

exposed to a poisonous substance being developed in Russia (such as Novichok). In Great

Britain, 23 Russian diplomats were declared persona non grata, and other sanctions were

adopted. The Russian Federation has taken mirror measures. [14] With regard to China,

trade and economic indicators of cooperation and contacts not only preserved but even

improved, the acceptance of China as a negative actor rather than a positive one has

changed. And in matters related to human rights in China, according to British experts,

“Britain’s response to China’s growing repression has been weak and pusillanimous”

[15]. Even after the resignation T. May comes to the improvement and constructive

relationship with China [16].

For Theresa

May’s administration, fully loaded with the Brexit issue and drawing

up a new strategy, an action program outside the EU, Central Asia remained in the

shadow of resolving relations with Russia and China. Even the Global Britain program

failed to encompass and finally systematize British foreign policy in the region.

However, British-Central Asian relations hold promising prospects. They are

associated not only with the change of power in the key countries of Central Asia but also

with transformations and reforms in the foreign policy of Great Britain itself. After

leaving the EU, the UK decided to rebuild its foreign and defense policy. In March 2021,

Prime Minister Boris Johnson presented a new foreign policy doctrine called Global

Britain to the House of Commons. According to this strategy, the United Kingdom, given

the emergence of new threats, will focus on strengthening its nuclear arsenal, as well as

expanding its influence in the Indo-Pacific region, which, according to Johnson, has

become the new “geopolitical and economic center of gravity” of the world [17]. The

development of the Asian vector of the United Kingdom may gradually become the

reason for the revitalization of the country in Central Asia and the expansion of its

narrow foreign trade policy, focused only on Kazakhstan.

Although diplomatic relations between UK and Uzbekistan were officially

established in 1992, in fact, cultural relations between the two peoples started more than

600 years and date back to correspondence between Amir Temur and King Henry IV of

England. In a short period of time almost 30 years, have improved inter-parliamentary

relations, cooperation with foreign policy and foreign economic agencies, the judiciary

and law enforcement agencies, and the Ministries of Justice, Defense, Education and

Finance has intensified. Relations between the business circles of the two countries are

strengthening, trade, economic and investment cooperation is expanding.

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Firstly, after Afghanistan situation the main charge is military cooperation

between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Uzbekistan on Defence and Security
issues. This exchanged views on the assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan

and Uzbekistan’s support to UK Program for Relocation Assistance for eligible Afghans

[18]. Indeed, cooperation between the two nations has been steadily increasing over the

period and is continuing to develop in a mutually beneficial manner. The next year
30 anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom

and Uzbekistan. Great Britain in the future by promoting the Central Asia Program [19] in
Central Asia countries, especially in Uzbekistan,

has planning to strengthen the capacity

of Administration and Ministry of Justice to deliver prioritized, coordinated, and targeted

reforms and cooperation with Central Asia Governments’ law enforcement agencies to

engage on UK priority areas, capacity of and cooperation between journalists and media
outlets in four Central Asian countries to produce new alternative media content, which

is conflict- and gender-sensitive, capacities of Ministries, faith-based organizations and
religious leaders to prevent and respond to gender-based violence and improve

reproductive health in five Central Asian countries. For the first time in its history,
Uzbekistan issued Eurobonds through the London Stock Exchange and entered the

international capital market. With the support of the United Kingdom, presidential
schools, and joint universities are being opened and established in Uzbekistan.

Uzbekistan was chosen as the "Country of the Year"[20] by the British magazine The
Economist has become a clear recognition of the success of reforms. Britain supported

Uzbekistan's membership in the UN Human Rights Council. Between states ratified the
Partnership and Cooperation Agreement the main document regulating bilateral

relations. In addition, as a major donor to the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank,
and contributor to European Union development finance, the UK provides millions of

dollars towards grants and concessional loans for development in Uzbekistan every
year[21]. Fittingly, in April 2016, Tobias Ellwood, Deputy Minister at the Foreign Office,

visited Uzbekistan to further deepen the bilateral relations between the UK and
Uzbekistan. And in December 2016, Sir Alan Duncan, Minister of State at the Foreign

Office, also visited Uzbekistan. Minister Duncan was privileged to be the first foreign
dignitary to congratulate President Mirziyoev on his inauguration in person. The visit of

His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abdulaziz Kamilov, to Great Britain in
November 2013 marked an important step in enhancing relations between the two

countries.

There are prerequisites for this. First, the CA countries are not alien and unfamiliar

places for the current British Prime Minister. For example, in 2005, Boris Johnson was a
member of parliament, he visited Uzbekistan and noted that he had good connections

and contacts with Uzbek diplomats. Also, in the period 2017

–

2024, UK trade with

Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic grew by an average of 125% due to economic

liberalization in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan.

Relations between the peoples of Central Asia and Britain have their historical

roots and came to a special status with the adoption of a special free trade agreement
between Amir Temur and Henry IV.

Nowadays’

Great Britain, as a country of technology,

advanced knowledge and practice, innovation and centuries-old development
experience, is an important partner for any developing state, including the countries of

Central Asia. However, how Great Britain sees Central Asia, what is the role of this region

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and its states in the foreign policy and strategy of the United Kingdom, this question still

remains half-open. Firstly, this is due to the lack of a common vision, and conceptual
program of Great Britain about Central Asia. On the other hand, the undeveloped state of

British-Central Asian relations can be characterized by the low desire of the governments
and business communities of the Central Asian countries to improve cooperation with

the UK.

The period studied clearly gives an idea of

the decisive two factors of the UK’s

presence in Central Asia

–

firstly, it is business interests, especially the interests of large

oil companies. Secondly, the importance of neighboring regions with Central Asia for the

foreign policy of the United Kingdom

–

the Caspian region and South Asia. However,

despite the rather sluggish dynamics of the development of the Central Asian vector in

British foreign policy, during the administration of David Cameron. Unfortunately, the
subsequent events connected with the referendum on the EU exit and the Brexit

processes, the foreign and domestic policy of Great Britain began to transform abruptly
and the efforts of the Cameron cabinet towards Central Asia remained frozen. We can

expect the development of this vector only after solving the problems associated with the
consequences of Brexit and the full adaptation of the UK to its new reality outside the EU.

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