Yangi O'zbekiston taraqqiyotida tadqiqotlarni o'rni va rivojlanish omillari
18-to’plam 1-son Aprel 2025
36
EVOLUTION OF CIVIC PARTICIPATION IN MAINTAINING
PUBLIC ORDER IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: A COMPARATIVE
ANALYSIS OF RUSSIA, KAZAKHSTAN, BELARUS, AND TAJIKISTAN
Urazbaev Abatbay Askerbaevich –
The Education centre for special training, Department for the coordination
of special operations of the Ministry of Internal affairs of the Republic of
Uzbekistan, Tashkent, Uzbekistan
E-mail:
Abstract: This article examines the evolution of civic participation in
maintaining public order across four post-Soviet states – Russia, Kazakhstan,
Belarus, and Tajikistan. The study traces the transformation of the Soviet legacy
of voluntary people’s militias (druzhiny) into contemporary models, identifying
their differences and commonalities. Through a comparative analysis of legal
frameworks (Russia’s Federal Law No. 44-FZ, Kazakhstan’s Law No. 590,
Belarus’s Law No. 214-Z, and Tajikistan’s Law No. 1969) and historical data, the
research explores the influence of political systems, democratic development, and
socio-economic conditions on these models. Special attention is given to historical
parallels, including the Timurid experience, and their relevance to modernizing
these systems. The article concludes with recommendations for improving
legislation and fostering regional cooperation. This work contributes to
understanding state-society interactions in the post-Soviet space, emphasizing the
need to adapt traditions to contemporary challenges to enhance public safety.
Keywords: civic participation, public order, post-Soviet space, people’s
militias, Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Tajikistan, political systems, socio-
economic factors, historical legacy, Timurids, legislation, public safety.
Introduction
The involvement of citizens in ensuring public safety and maintaining law
Yangi O'zbekiston taraqqiyotida tadqiqotlarni o'rni va rivojlanish omillari
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and order remains a significant aspect of governance in post-Soviet countries.
Rooted in Soviet traditions, this practice has undergone notable changes since
1991, reflecting the political systems, levels of democratic development, and socio-
economic conditions unique to each state [7]. This study analyzes the
transformation of civic participation in public order maintenance in Russia,
Kazakhstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan, focusing on its historical origins and modern
forms. It examines how the Soviet legacy of people’s militias has adapted to new
realities and how political regimes and economic factors have shaped this process.
The Soviet system of voluntary people’s militias, established in the 1950s,
served as a tool of collective responsibility under strict state control [1]. Following
the USSR’s dissolution in 1991, this institution either retained centralized elements
(e.g., Belarus), evolved into more flexible forms (Russia), lost significance
(Kazakhstan), or took on an ideological hue (Tajikistan). The analysis draws on
legal frameworks – Russia’s Federal Law No. 44-FZ [2], Kazakhstan’s Law No.
590 [3], Belarus’s Law No. 214-Z [4], and Tajikistan’s Law No. 1969 [5] – as well
as historical data and theoretical studies [6, 7]. This approach not only traces the
evolution of legal structures but also highlights their connection to state-building
processes in the post-Soviet context.
Historical Background
The origins of civic participation in public order in these countries stem from
Soviet practices, formalized by the CPSU Central Committee and USSR Council
of Ministers’ decree of March 2, 1959 [1]. By the 1980s, militias boasted around
13 million members, tasked with patrolling, preventing offenses, and supporting
the police [21]. Coordinated by party organs, their activities underscored their
subordinate role within an authoritarian system [13]. As V. Kozlov notes, militias
served both practical and ideological purposes, reinforcing collective control [10].
However, the USSR’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crisis: in Russia, militia
membership plummeted to 50,000 by the mid-1990s [22]; in Kazakhstan and
Tajikistan, they nearly vanished [14]; while in Belarus, they persisted in a limited
form due to a robust state hierarchy [16].
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Contemporary Models of Civic Participation
Russia
Modern models of civic participation vary significantly across these states. In
Russia, the 2014 legislation [2] governs militias and freelance police collaborators,
emphasizing their auxiliary role and strict legal regulation. Citizens may demand
cessation of violations and secure crime scenes, but their powers are limited to
avoid supplanting police functions [9]. Regional variations – such as active militias
in Moscow or Cossack patrols in the south [20] – reflect Russia’s federal structure,
though centralized control remains paramount [23]. Economic disparities influence
participation: urban militias receive payments, while in poorer regions,
involvement is often symbolic [18].
Kazakhstan
Kazakhstan adopts a minimalist approach. The 2004 law [3] permits only
individual assistance to internal affairs bodies, excluding collective forms like
militias. This reflects a unitary governance system and low civic engagement,
minimizing risks of state control loss [11]. Limited resources – GDP per capita in
2023 was approximately $13,000 [18] – hinder the development of complex
structures, and the lack of social protections renders participation sporadic [15].
Belarus
Belarus retains a centralized Soviet-style model, adapted to modern needs.
The 2003 law [4] allows militias to use force and detain offenders, expanding their
role beyond Russia’s model. A rigid authoritarian system ensures tight control [29],
while a relatively stable economy (GDP per capita around $20,000 [18]) supports
incentives like annual payments of up to $500 [26]. A.A. Urazbaev’s research
highlights this model’s efficacy during crises, such as the 2020 protests [6].
Tajikistan
Tajikistan offers a unique case, where civic participation hinges on patriotic
ideology, enshrined in the 2023 law [5]. Post-civil war (1992–1997), militias and
public councils became tools of national consolidation [12], though their powers
remain vague. Low living standards (GDP per capita about $4,000 [18]) and weak
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institutions limit effectiveness, despite formal social protection guarantees [17].
Influencing Factors
Political Systems
Political systems decisively shape these models. Russia’s federalism enables
localized adaptation [27], while Kazakhstan’s unitarism curtails participation [28].
Belarus integrates citizens into the state apparatus [16], and Tajikistan’s post-
conflict context imbues the process with ideological weight [25]. Democratic
levels also affect autonomy: in Russia and Kazakhstan, it is constrained by weak
civic activism [24]; in Belarus, it is state-subordinated [6]; and in Tajikistan, it is
substituted by moral incentives [12].
Socio-Economic Conditions
Socio-economic factors further define the landscape. In Russia, regional
inequality creates disparities in militia support [9]; in Kazakhstan, poverty impedes
institutional growth [18]; in Belarus, economic stability encourages participation
[26]; and in Tajikistan, limited resources are offset by patriotic appeals [17]. The
Soviet militia legacy [19] and earlier Timurid traditions [30] underscore the
enduring importance of centralization and social support, relevant to modernizing
these systems.
Recommendations
Based on this analysis, several recommendations emerge. For Russia,
expanding militias’ preventive roles and standardizing incentives could address
regional disparities [2]. Kazakhstan might pilot militias in major cities, leveraging
international aid to overcome economic barriers [40]. Belarus could maintain its
model while enhancing transparency through public reporting [4]. Tajikistan
should clarify legal norms and integrate local traditions, engaging community
leaders to boost legitimacy [5].
The Timurid experience, explored by Sirojov and Urazbaev [30], offers
further insights. Centralized governance, discipline, and social protections from
that era could be adapted via training, clear conduct codes, and minimal payments
[33]. Regional cooperation – e.g., joint forums or training programs [40] – could
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enhance system efficacy, particularly against transnational threats.
Conclusion
The evolution of civic participation in public order in the post-Soviet space
reflects a complex interplay of historical legacy and modern challenges. Russia,
Kazakhstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan exhibit distinct approaches to integrating
citizens into safety systems, shaped by their political and economic realities [8].
The success of this institution’s future development hinges on states’ ability to
blend past traditions with present needs, fostering trust between society and
government.
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