A Study of Realia Used in Uzbek Lullaby Texts

American Journal Of Philological Sciences

334

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VOLUME

Vol.05 Issue05 2025

PAGE NO.

334-338

DOI

10.37547/ajps/Volume05Issue05-92

A Study of Realia Used in Uzbek Lullaby Texts

Nargiza Shikhnazarovna Akhmedova

Associate Professor, Oriental University, Uzbekistan

Zebiniso Gayrat qizi Sulaymonova

PhD Candidate, Namangan State University, Uzbekistan

Received:

31 March 2025;

Accepted:

29 April 2025;

Published:

31 May 2025

Abstract:

This article examines the role of realia - culturally specific linguistic units - in Uzbek lullaby texts (alla),

focusing on how they reflect national traditions, beliefs, and worldview. Lullabies, as a form of oral folklore, serve
not only as expressions of maternal affection but also as a rich source of ethnolinguistic data. The analysis
identifies various categori

es of realia, including those related to food (plov), clothing (atlas ton, doppı), household

items (beshik), cultural rituals (tonbichar), and place names (Oqrabot). These elements represent linguistic
markers of identity and emdiv deeply rooted cultural meanings. Particular attention is paid to how realia
function within the communicative structure of lullabies and how they contribute to the symbolic transmission of
national values across generations. The study concludes that lullaby realia serve not only as carriers of lexical and
cultural information but also as key instruments in shaping the collective memory and worldview of the Uzbek
people.

Keywords:

Uzbek lullaby; realia; cultural linguistics; folk tradition; ethnolinguistics; national identity; oral

discourse; atlas fabric; symbolic meaning; language and culture.

Introduction:

Mastering the language and culture of

one’s own people plays a crucial role in the formation

of an individual as a

personality. A person’s worldview

is often shaped by the linguistic picture of the world.
The Sapir

–

Whorf hypothesis includes the following

fundamental principles:

1.

language determines the way its speakers

think;

2.

the way people perceive and understand the

real world depends on the language in which they
conceptualize it [2].

Lullaby texts are considered one of the most valuable

sources for understanding a nation’s culture and

mentality. Each ethnic group possesses a unique
linguistic worldview that reflects the national and
cultural characteristics of how the world is linguistically
conceptualized. This worldview becomes deeply
embedded in the consciousness of native speakers. The
national linguistic worldview is vividly manifested in
samples of folk oral tradition and literary works.

Every nation has a set of culturally specific words

–

realia

–

that reflect its culture, daily life, lifestyle, and

history. Such realia can be found in proverbs, idiomatic
expressions, folktales, and, notably, in lullaby texts, all
of which are products of national thought.

Linguists S. Vlakhov and S. Florin define realia as

follows: “Realia are words and expressions that denote

objects, concepts, and phenomena characteristic of the
life, traditions, culture, and social development of a
specific people; they possess national and historical

specificity.” [12]

Linguist Y.A. Maklakova also categorizes realia as
linguistic units that express linguocultural features.
According to her, realia include:

•

Names of historical events preserved in the

collective memory of the people;

•

Names of cultural realia;

•

Onomastic realia;

•

Names associated with nationally precedent

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texts;

•

Culturally and historically bound realia with no

equivalents;

•

Names of national material (everyday) realia;

•

Names expressing national-cultural symbols.

[3]

The analysis of the following lullaby texts will focus on
identifying and interpreting realia that reflect the
distinctive features of Uzbek national culture.

O‘smalar siqay qoshingga, alla,

Do‘ppilar

tikay boshingga, alla.

Аllalar aytib uxlatay oyimchani, alla,

Beshikka solib tebratay begimchani, alla.

In the presented lullaby text, several culturally
significant realia appear, including usma (a traditional

eyebrow dye), doppı (a national skullcap), a

lla (lullaby),

and beshik (cradle).

In Uzbek culture, the tradition of applying usma to the
eyebrows dates back to ancient times. Usma has been
cultivated and cared for in almost every Uzbek
household, alongside other herbs such as basil (rayhon)
and mint (yalpiz). Uzbek women have traditionally
valued natural methods of beauty and skincare.
Applying usma helps to darken, lengthen, and beautify
the eyebrows, and such eyebrows are considered a
standard of beauty in Uzbek aesthetics. The process of
applying usma was usually carried out collectively,
often among a group of young women or female
relatives, reflecting the communal aspects of
traditional beauty rituals.

The doppı, a traditional Uzbek skullcap, serves as a

cultural symbol that conveys rich historical and
ethnographic information about the Uzbek people.

Across Uzbekistan, various regional styles of doppı are

well known, including those from Chust, Andijan,
Tashkent,

Samarkand,

Bukhara,

Boysun,

and

Shakhrisabz. Among them, the most iconic is the
square-

shaped Chust doppı, recognized as Uzbekistan’s

national headwear. Each side of the Chust doppı is

believed to protect its wearer from evil forces
originating from the four cardinal directions. The black
color symbolizes the cosmos and darkness, while the
decorative embroidery typically uses white thread. The
pepper-like motifs (qalampir) embroidered on all four
corners represent vitality and familial prosperity, and
are thought to ward off the evil eye. The lower part of

the doppı often features 16 arches

, symbolizing the

continuity of life and death. These arches are designed
to attract abundance and vital energy. The stylized

ram’s horns (qo‘zichoq shoxlari) embedded within the

arches symbolize strength and courage [13].

The beshik (traditional cradle) is a culturally and
historically significant artifact inherited from ancestors,
playing an essential role in the upbringing and
development of every child. In Uzbek households, the
beshik is welcomed with joy and celebration and holds
a special place both in the national consciousness and
in the daily life of every family.

The ton (a traditional robe), considered one of the
garments symbolizing Uzbek national identity, is
frequently mentioned in lullaby texts. In the given
lullaby, reference is made to an atlas ton

—

a robe made

of atlas, a silk fabric of great cultural and national
significance for the Uzbek people. Atlas is distinguished
by its bright colors and refined weaving patterns. It
reflects the seven colors of nature and the vibrant hues
of the rainbow, symbolizing the Uzbek people's ancient
reverence for and love of nature. The phrase atlas ton
is a realia expressed as a compound nominal phrase.

Аlla desam yarashsin, alla,

Bo‘yingga gul o‘rashsin, alla.

Аtlasdan to‘nlar tiksam, alla.

Chin bo‘yiga yar

ashsin, alla.

Atlas fabric has an ancient history and enjoys global
recognition. One of the most noteworthy aspects of a
word becoming a realia lies in its origin

—

realia are

closely linked to the region, country, nation, or ethnic
group in which they first appeared. While a realia may
carry deep cultural significance within a specific
community, it may also spread widely across borders
and even attain international prominence. As noted by
the renowned translation theorist V.M. Rossels, realia
are words that enter the target language during
translation and denote culturally or locally specific
objects, items, or concepts from the source language
[9]. Realia are usually named in accordance with the
language and culture in which they emerged, thereby
carrying the identity of the nation or community of
origin. A vivid example of such realia is Uzbek plov
(pilaf), one of the most widely consumed and culturally
significant national dishes in global gastronomy. On
December 1, 2016, Uzbek plov was inscribed on

UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural

Heritage of Humanity. As such, it is considered a realia
that not only spreads globally but also preserves the
cultural identity of its origins. According to linguist Z.
Sadiqov, even when words related to currency, cuisine,
or political systems become borrowed lexemes, they
often retain their national and cultural specificity. As an
example, he points to the Euro of the European Union,
the US dollar, and the Swiss franc, which, despite their
international usage, preserve the color and
characteristics of their countries of origin [11]. S.
Vlakhov and S. Florin, who systematically classified

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realia, identified a category known as international
realia. These are items that appear in the lexicons of
many languages and are included in standard
dictionaries, yet still retain their distinct national flavor
[12].

Yemishlaring bo‘lsin deyman palovlar

-ey, alla,

Hech so‘nmasin o‘chog‘ingda olovlar

-ey, alla.

Bog‘

-

rog‘lar yaratginoy alla

-yo, alla,

Mergan bo‘lgin bo‘lsin ot

-u ulovlarey, alla.

A lullaby also serves as an expression of a mother's
wishes and prayers for her child. Among the Uzbek
people, plov (pilaf) holds a special place in daily and
ceremonial life. It is served at both celebratory and
mourning gatherings, and it plays a central role in
hospitality and communal events. The proverb,

“Kuningdan bir kun qolsa ham osh ye, pulingdan bir
so‘m qolsa ham osh ye” (Even if you have only one day

left, eat plov; even if you have only one coin left, eat
plov), reflects the Uzbek people's deep cultural
attachment to this dish.

Colors are interpreted differently across cultures, and
lullaby texts reflect national perceptions associated
with color symbolism. According to historical sources,
people in ancient times were unable to fully distinguish
the complete spectrum of colors. In their worldview,
three primary hues

—

white, red, and black

—

played

significant symbolic roles. This developmental view of
color perception and meaning is observed in various
studies exploring the evolution of color semantics [7].
Ethnographer L. Mironova remarks on the primordial
meanings of white, red, and black in early mythological
though

t, stating: “In the color red, early humans saw

blood, fire, heat, and the sun.” [6]

In Uzbek culture, red (qizil) and crimson (qirmizi)
shades carry a wide range of meanings:

1.

Vitality

–

Red symbolizes life, associated with

the color of blood.

2.

Love and passion

–

It is linked with emotions

such as affection and desire.

3.

Beauty and energy

–

It signifies charm,

courage, and youthfulness.

4.

Warning

–

Red also functions as a cautionary

signal.

5.

Intensification

–

It strengthens the meaning of

words (e.g., qip-qizil jinni

–

“utter lunatic”).

6.

Health

–

A ruddy or red complexion is

associated with physical well-being.

7.

Youth

–

Red is also connected with the vitality

and brightness of youth.

As noted by folklorist A. Musaqulov, in traditional

Uzbek wedding songs, the color red is often used as a
symbolic reference to the bride, while white symbolizes
the groom [8].

Moreover, several diseases are named using the color
red due to visual symptoms, including: measles
(qizamiq), rubella (qizilcha), scarlet fever (qizil isitma),
red lichen (qizil lishay), rosacea (qizil tugurik), and

conjunctivitis (qizilko‘z syndrome).

In the lullaby discussed below, a reference is made to a

crimson robe (qirmizi to‘n), further demonstrating the

cultural and emotional resonance of color symbolism in
Uzbek folk texts.

The following lullaby text contains a reference to a

crimson robe (qirmizi toʻn).:

Qora qoshim qunduzim,

Ko‘zi tongday yulduzim.

To‘y

-

hayitlar bo‘lganda,

Kiygan to‘ni qirmizim.

Alla bolam alla-yo.

Jonim bolam alla-yo.

In Uzbek culture, there is a strong connection between
the color of clothing and ceremonial practices. In
traditional households, when a family member passes
away, white or blue clothing is typically worn, and in
some regions, black is also used to signify mourning.
After a certain period following the death, these
garments are replaced with brightly colored attire, such
as red or green, symbolizing the end of the mourning
period and the hopeful return of joyful days.

According to folklorist M. Ruzieva, a bride would
traditionally wear red or crimson dresses after the
wedding and continue to do so until the birth of her
first child. This attire signified her status as a newlywed
woman [10].

The crimson robe (qirmizi to‘n) mentioned in the above

lullaby reflects folk beliefs associated with red
garments. The mother expresses her wish that her
child, dressed in red clothing during festivals and
celebrations, will live a joyful life.

The description of the ton (traditional robe) in lullaby
texts encapsulates national and cultural concepts. This
is clearly illustrated in the following lullaby, which

begins with the line: "Oqrabotning yetmish ikki yo‘li
bor…" (“Oqrabot has seventy

-

two roads…”).

Oqrabotning yetmish ikki yo‘li bor

-o, alla,

Qo‘zichog‘imning banorasdan to‘ni bor

-a, alla.

Yoqasida o‘zim tikkan guli bor

-a, alla,

To‘nni kimlar bichgan, muncha yengi tor

-a, alla.

Alla, qo‘zim

-o, alla.

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In the lullaby, Oqrabot appears as a toponym. It is the
name of a village located in the Jondor district of
B

ukhara region, and the term itself signifies “large

rabat” or “large settlement” [3]. Within the lullaby,

Oqrabot is used metaphorically to represent one of the
largest places in the world, and the mention of

“seventy

-

two roads” leading to it reinforces th

is idea

through hyperbole and poetic imagery. Another
culturally significant element found in the lullaby is the

affectionate use of the word qo‘zichog‘im (“my little
lamb”), a term of endearment unique to Uzbek culture.

It reflects the traditional Uzbek way of expressing love
and tenderness toward children. Historically, the Uzbek
people have been deeply engaged in pastoral life, and
the lamb is culturally associated with innocence, purity,
gentleness, small physical stature, and vulnerability.
These assoc

iations are deeply rooted in the nation’s

collective consciousness. The ton (traditional robe)
mentioned in the lullaby is said to be made of a fabric
called banoras, which is noted for its high value and
aesthetic quality. In Uzbek tradition, when a woman
embroiders or decorates fabric with flowers or patterns
specifically for someone, it is seen as a symbol of deep
affection, love, and care. The lullaby also refers to the
process of tailoring the ton, which is culturally
significant. In fact, the act of cutting and sewing a ton
can be part of a specific ceremonial practice. This
underscores the ritualistic and symbolic value of robe-
making in Uzbek culture. Typically, tons are cut by
master seamstresses in consultation with others, which
is why the text po

ses the rhetorical question, “Who

tailored it?”—

emphasizing the importance and

expertise involved in this tradition. In Uzbek society, a

man’s robe may even reflect the skill and attentiveness

of his wife as a seamstress, symbolizing her dedication
to both her spouse and household. The ton holds deep
meaning in Uzbek culture: it is also a symbol of
friendship. Presenting a robe to someone is a
traditional way of reinforcing bonds of closeness and
respect.

The Explanatory Dictionary of Uzbek Ethnographic
Terms includes descriptions of rituals associated with
the ton, further attesting to its cultural significance:

Tonbichar

–

A ceremonial practice in which a robe

(sarpo) is tailored and sewn for the groom at the bride’s

household.

Tonbovi

–

A gift (such as money or fabric) given to the

person who dresses the groom on the wedding night.

Tonkiydi (1)

–

The act of presenting a robe to

matchmakers and others from the groom’s side who
bring wedding expenses to the bride’s household.

Tonkiydi (2)

–

The act of gifting a robe (sarpo) to

individuals who have rendered services during the

wedding ceremony.

Toniluv

–

A ritual in which a robe is ceremonially hung

at the entrance of a newly constructed building as a
symbolic gift to the master builder. [4]

Realia are culturally specific words that reflect

national identity and often lack direct equivalents in
other languages. In Uzbek lullaby texts, realia related to
food, clothing, cultural traditions, place names,
material objects, and traditional fabrics are frequently
encountered. Realia associated with national dishes
and textile names have attracted interest from people
of other cultures and have consequently spread
beyond their country of origin. Studying the realia
present in lullabies is essential for understanding the
cultural and linguistic worldview embedded in these
traditional texts.

CONCLUSION

The study has shown that Uzbek lullaby texts are a
valuable linguistic and cultural resource for analyzing
realia

–

lexical units that lack full equivalents in other

languages and express the specificity of national
traditions. These realia encapsulate essential aspects of
Uzbek life, including cuisine, clothing, rituals, material
culture, and world perception. Lullabies often preserve
archaic linguistic forms and reflect the collective
mentality, emotional values, and aesthetic preferences
of the Uzbek people.

Particularly notable is the symbolic depth attached to
certain realia such as qirmizi ton, beshik, usma, and
plov, which carry not only material but also spiritual
and cultural significance. The use of realia in lullabies
demonstrates their functional load in expressing
emotion, cultural continuity, and national identity.
Moreover, realia such as traditional dishes and textiles
have transcended local boundaries and sparked
international interest, thus reinforcing their status as
symbols of cultural heritage.

This research underscores the importance of studying
lullabies not only as poetic and musical expressions but
also as linguocultural artifacts. Continued investigation
into lullaby realia can enrich cross-cultural studies,
translation theory, and educational materials aimed at
preserving intangible cultural heritage.

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