American Journal Of Philological Sciences
30
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ajps
VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue07 2025
PAGE NO.
30-33
10.37547/ajps/Volume05Issue07-08
A Comparative Study of Human Imagery in Uzbek And
English Tongue Twisters
Yuldashev Og‘abek Komiljon o‘g‘li
Lecturer, Department of Foriegn Languages, Namangan State Pedagogical Institute, Uzbekistan
Received:
16 May 2025;
Accepted:
12 June 2025;
Published:
14 July 2025
Abstract:
Tongue twisters represent a distinctive genre of folklore that simultaneously serve as a means of testing
phonetic complexity and as an expressive form enriched with cultural and spiritual content. From a phonetic
perspective, tongue twisters contribute to the mastery of the sound system and pronunciation norms, while from
a lexical-semantic perspective, they reflect the worldview, cultural stereotypes and spiritual values of the people
who created them through the use of vivid imagery.
Keywords
: Imagery, hedonism, farmer, peasant, potter, blacksmith, sheriff.
Introduction:
Unlike
other
forms
of
social
consciousness, art and literature depict life through
imagery. The events and objects represented in literary
works, although portrayed in a specific and unique
manner, acquire generalizing features. Since imagery is
inherent to art and is a product of high artistic skill, it
constitutes the foundation of literariness. It is precisely
the presence of imagery that endows artistic works
with aesthetic quality and value.
Among the various functions of literary art, the
hedonistic function occupies a notable place. The term
hedonism, derived from the Greek word hēdonē,
meaning “pleasure” or “delight” is used in the scholarly
context to refer to the pleasure and satisfaction derived
from a work of art. As nearly all forms of oral folklore
are designed to provide enjoyment, arouse interest and
give aesthetic pleasure to the audience, it becomes
essential to recognize the artistic and aesthetic impact
of tongue twisters as well.
In Uzbek and English tongue twisters, human imagery
can be conditionally classified into two groups:
1.
Proper names
2.
Nicknames
Anthropogenic (proper name-based) imagery consists
of gender-based representations, including both male
and female figures.
The use of female names in Uzbek and English tongue twisters.
Mavluda hovlida singlisi Mavjuda
qo‘lida.
Lady Luck dislikes losers.
for Japanese students of English
Qumrining qo‘g‘irchog‘i qimirlasa
qimirlar.
Miss Smith's fish-sauce shop seldom sells
shellfish.
Jamila jiydani joyiga joyladi.
Elizabeth's birthday is on the third
Thursday of this month.
American Journal Of Philological Sciences
31
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American Journal Of Philological Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2273)
Halimani sanama, Salimani sana.
Suzie Seaword's fish-sauce shop sells
unsifted thistles for thistle-sifters to sift.
Gulnora Gulmiraning singlisimi,
Gulmira Gulnoraning singlisimi?
Denise sees the fleece, Denise sees the
fleas. At least Denise could sneeze and
feed and freeze the fleas.
Gulsara gul saralab, gul sanadi.
Roberta ran rings around the Roman
ruins.
A number of proper names related to flowers can be
found among Uzbek personal names. In addition,
Uzbek tongue twisters often include names of Arabic
origin, such as Mavluda, Mavjuda, Halima and Salima.
In English tongue twisters, on the other hand, female
names are frequently accompanied by respectful titles
such as Lady or Miss, reflecting social etiquette. Unlike
English tongue twisters, Uzbek tongue twisters do not
typically include women's surnames or patronymics. In
contrast, English tongue twisters often feature the full
name, including both the first and last name, in
accordance with formal English naming conventions.
Sheena leads, Sheila needs. / Lola arralaydi, Sora
allalaydi.
In both of these Uzbek and English tongue twisters, we
can observe syntactic parallelism. The parallel use of
subject and predicate structures contributes to the
smooth pronunciation of the tongue twister in a single
breath and ensures intonational coherence. In two-part
tongue twisters, such syntactic parallelism is achieved
through the use of female names that are similar in
sound, as well as actions that share morphological
features, creating a rhythmically and phonetically
unified structure.
The use of male names in Uzbek and English tongue twisters.
Jo‘rabek bilan Javlon juda jo‘ra
jonajon.
John, where Molly had had “had”, had had
“had had”. “Had had “ had had the teachers
approval
Komil, Kamol kamalak ko‘rdi.
Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers.
A peck of pickled peppers Peter Piper picked.
If Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled
peppers, Where's the peck of pickled peppers
Peter Piper picked?
Niyoz piyoz archdi, Fayoz piyoz
artdi; Piyozdan Niyozning ko‘zi
achidimi, Fayoznikimi?
There once was a man who had a sister, his
name was Mr. Fister. Mr. Fister's sister sold
sea shells by the sea shore. Mr. Fister didn't
sell sea shells, he sold silk sheets. Mr. Fister
told his sister that he sold six silk sheets to six
shieks. The sister of Mr. Fister said I sold six
shells to six shieks too!
O‘tkir o‘tkir o‘roqda o‘t o‘rdi.
Willy's real rear wheel David Bowser in
Harrisburg, PA
American Journal Of Philological Sciences
32
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American Journal Of Philological Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2273)
Boshqotirma Boltavoyning boshini
qotirdi.
Tommy, Tommy, toiling in a tailor's shop. All
day long he fits and tucks, all day long he
tucks and fits, and fits and tucks, and tucks and
fits, and fits and tucks, and tucks and fits.
Tommy, Tommy, toiling in a tailor's shop.
Boqi boqqa, Soqi toqqa bordi.
Real weird rear wheels by Michael Dworkin
and Bill Harvey.
In Uzbek tongue twisters, in addition to traditional
Uzbek names such as Boqi, Soqi, Boltavoy, O‘tkir, and
Jo‘rabek names borrowed from Arabic and Persian,
such as Niyoz, Fayoz, Komil, and Kamol are also widely
used. While purely Uzbek names are often derived
from verbs, some names reflect the people's daily
lifestyle, particularly their occupations and crafts.
In English proper names, the frequent pairing of first
and last names, along with the use of the honorific
Mister is a notable feature that reflects formality and
respect.
Nicknames used in tongue twisters often reflect
cultural tendencies toward satire, humor and
commentary on minor human flaws or traits. For
example, in the Uzbek tongue twister:
“Toshpo‘lat tajangning tog‘olchali tog‘orasi tog‘da
turibdi”,
the nickname tajang (irritable) chosen for Toshpo‘lat
creates a vivid image of a short-tempered, stubborn
and emotionally rigid person. The phonetic harmony
between the proper name and the nickname
contributes to the rhythmic balance of the expression.
In another example:
“Karim ‘ketmon’ ketma
-
ket ketmonini keltirib ko‘tarib
ko‘rdi,”
the nickname ketmon (hoe) associated with the name
Karim clearly points to an agricultural context. The
ketmon - a traditional farming tool - symbolizes
peasant labor before the age of mechanized
agriculture. This nickname evidently originates from
the person’s occupation. In Uzbek visual culture,
peasant imagery is often portrayed through the figure
of a man with a hoe on his shoulder. In Uzbek literature
as well, particularly in Abdulla Qodiriy’s novel “Obid
Ketmon”, the figure of the farmer is central to the
thematic core of the narrative.
In the tongue twister: “Mirza ‘mirzaterak’ bi
lan
Mirxayotni murosasizligi bilindi,” the nickname
mirzaterak refers metaphorically to the poplar tree
(terak), especially the cultivated, upright, and slender
variety. This nickname highlights the person’s tall and
thin physical appearance. Thus, in Uzbek culture, when
assigning nicknames, not only the person’s character
but also their physical features are often taken into
account.
In English tongue twisters, we observe similar uses of
nicknames based on character traits. For instance:
“Silly Simon sold seven silver spoons.”
Here, Simon is a common English name, and silly
(meaning foolish or inattentive) reflects a personality
trait, serving as a character-descriptive nickname.
“Crafty Charles caught clever crabs cautiously.”
Charles is a typical English male name, while crafty
(clever in a cunning or deceitful way) describes the
personality of the character. This tongue twister shows
how nicknames in English may also reflect a person’s
reputation, personality, or behavior. In English, some
nicknames are shortened versions of given names,
while others derive from adjectives or occupations.
To sum up, this comparative analysis of human imagery
in Uzbek and English tongue twisters demonstrates
that both traditions employ personal names,
nicknames and occupational references not only for
phonetic play but also for expressing cultural identity,
social values, and humorous characterization.
In Uzbek tongue twisters, personal names often reflect
national identity and linguistic creativity. Names of
Arabic and Persian origin, as well as purely Uzbek
names derived from verbs or daily life, are used
frequently. In English tongue twisters, by contrast,
proper names are often accompanied by honorifics and
surnames, highlighting the cultural emphasis on
formality and structured identity.
Nicknames play a particularly significant role in Uzbek
tongue twisters, serving as tools to represent character
traits, physical attributes and in some cases,
occupations. Examples like Karim ketmon or Mirza
mirzaterak reflect not only linguistic inventiveness but
also the integration of real-world social markers such as
profession and div type. These nicknames blur the
American Journal Of Philological Sciences
33
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ajps
American Journal Of Philological Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2273)
boundaries between laqab, occupational role, and
symbolic meaning, functioning as compact portraits of
individual identity within the oral tradition.
English tongue twisters likewise utilize descriptive
modifiers, such as Silly Simon or Crafty Charles, which
encapsulate personality or behavior. These attributes
contribute to the rhythmic and stylistic balance of
tongue twisters while embedding cultural stereotypes
and expectations.
Additionally, both languages reveal a tendency toward
syntactic and morphological parallelism. Such
structures enhance the fluency and phonetic unity of
tongue twisters, enabling their delivery in a single
breath and making them effective tools for speech
development.
Overall, tongue twisters in both cultures transcend
their surface-level function as linguistic exercises. They
act as mini-narratives rich in anthropological and
sociolinguistic content, encoding perceptions of
gender, profession, character and society in playful yet
meaningful forms. The study affirms the value of
tongue twisters as both linguistic phenomena and
cultural texts worthy of deeper academic inquiry.
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