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ANALYSIS OF ADVANCED FOREIGN PRACTICES IN INFORMATION
POLICY UNDER DISINFORMATION CONDITIONS
G‘ulomov Zuxriddin Baxromjon ugli
Researcher at Fergana State University
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14890960
Abstract:
This study examines the nature and conceptual foundations of
false information in the digital society, as well as the priority directions of
information policy under disinformation conditions. A detailed analysis of
advanced foreign practices in this field is provided.
Keywords:
foreign practices, information society, false information,
disinformation, information policy, "fake news," globalization.
In the field of information confrontation theory, Russian expert and Doctor
of Technical Sciences S.P. Rastorguev defines the concept of information warfare
as "a targeted informational impact in an open or concealed manner by
information systems to achieve a certain advantage in the material sphere" [1].
He argues that when one opposing side is engaged in mitigating the damage
inflicted upon it, the other side gains superiority. According to the scholar,
information warfare does not fundamentally differ from conventional warfare in
its characteristics and attributes. The aggressor aims to subjugate the opposing
side by targeting its entire control system through informational means and
ultimately achieves victory [2].
Rastorguev also identifies effective methods for organizing defense,
including reducing the scale of existing threats, gradually eliminating
"unnecessary information," and establishing strict control over one’s
management system. He emphasizes that the strategy of using information
weapons should always have a forward-looking nature. According to him, this is
a crucial outcome that the scientific community has yet to fully comprehend, as
it defines the advancing nature of information weapons and aids in assessing the
capabilities of any strong opponent. Thus, it can be stated that the volume of
purposefully transmitted information from one state to another serves as a
measure for determining information aggression.
Analysis of Advanced Foreign Practices in Information Policy Under
Disinformation Conditions
Recognizing the importance of conducting an effective information policy in
our country today, it is essential to explore various implementation methods
and choose the most optimal approach. Therefore, studying the experiences of
developed countries can significantly enhance the efficiency of this process.
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Examining Germany’s information policy and its achievements, it is evident
that the country’s primary television and radio channels operate under the
jurisdiction of federal states. A significant amount of work is carried out to
protect national interests and enhance the country’s international reputation.
For instance, the "Deutsche Welle" station, established in 1960, can be
considered a key promoter of Germany’s domestic and foreign policies. This
station is fully funded by the federal government. The primary broadcast target
region is the African continent. Additionally, its broadcasts are primarily
consumed in Southern and Eastern Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin
America [3]. Interestingly, the station almost entirely avoids broadcasting to
North American countries. "Deutsche Welle" justifies this by emphasizing the
need to deliver information to regions where censorship is strong, and press
freedom is restricted. These areas are recognized as having limited access to
reliable information, which is why targeted information dissemination is
deemed necessary.
In Austria, a country internationally acknowledged for its well-established
freedom of information and expression, the political and information sectors are
deeply intertwined. This can be attributed to the structure of the country’s
political elite, as well as the limited number of political parties and media
outlets. At the same time, efforts are made to ensure that their social influence
on one another does not exceed a certain threshold.
Most newspapers published in the country strive to cover the activities of
various political forces (political parties) impartially. They focus on avoiding the
disgraceful reputation of being a "propagandist" for any particular political
party. The media and political decision-making processes are becoming
increasingly intertwined, sometimes even merging. Many of the measures taken
within political parties now primarily aim at ensuring that their outcomes are
disseminated as quickly and effectively as possible through the media.
The increasing professionalization of media relations is particularly evident
in the preparation and conduct of election campaigns, where methods and tools
are largely borrowed from the arsenal of commercial advertising.
Austrian television is currently undergoing a transition from the public-law
monopoly of ORF to a competitive system with the emergence of private TV
channels. There are ongoing extensive discussions about the potential
privatization of ORF in the future. Currently, this state-owned company is
financially supported by viewer-paid fees, advertising activities, and other
revenue streams strictly regulated by law. ORF is responsible for ensuring the
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quality of its programming, with a particular focus on broadcasting
comprehensive information about significant political, economic, and cultural
events in the country, as well as reinforcing Austrians' sense of democratic and
national identity.
In France, national television and radio broadcasting had long been under
state monopoly. Even after the French Broadcasting Corporation (ORTF) was
split into seven independent entities in 1974, the situation remained largely
unchanged. The state monopoly was partially lifted by the law of July 29, 1982.
From that point onward, changes in the French television system were closely
linked to the political transformations of the time, reflecting a shift between
state and private sectors, as well as ideological influences.
In response to the privatization of TF1 by the right-wing liberal majority,
left-wing political forces introduced joint management for France Télévisions.
This move was intended to counterbalance the growing influence of TF1. By the
early 1990s, France had developed a unique system in which both public and
private sectors, as well as liberal and authoritarian approaches, coexisted in its
media policy. Although this system was not necessarily the most optimal
evolutionary development, it clearly reflected the state's consistent control over
audiovisual media.
In 1985, the French president signed a decree authorizing the creation of
private television channels, but the audiovisual media remained under discreet
state supervision. Based on the above, it can be concluded that at all stages of the
development of electronic media, the French state has continuously overseen
their political, economic, and technological activities. [4]
The information policy of the United Kingdom has its own distinctive
features. In 1932, BBC radio broadcasts were extended to foreign countries,
initially targeting only the British Empire nations (Australia, India, South Africa,
West African countries, and Canada) in English. This service was called the "BBC
Empire Service" and was financially supported by the Foreign Office. Its purpose
was to promote British lifestyle values and ideology to the population.
For its time, this was a groundbreaking approach to shortwave information
broadcasting. Researchers note that the "Empire Service" quickly attracted a
large audience from various countries. In 1938, broadcasts were expanded to
Arab countries (the "Arabic Service") and Latin American countries (the "Latin
American Service"). Additionally, European bulletins were broadcast in German,
French, and Italian under the name "BBC External Service," later renamed the
"BBC European Service."
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To this day, the Foreign Office remains responsible for financing all BBC
international radio broadcasts.
In 1988, BBC leadership implemented a new strategy aimed at improving
journalist training and ensuring their interchangeability, ultimately leading to
the full integration of television and radio broadcasting. Simultaneously, foreign
bureaus were expanded, and new departments with dedicated correspondents
were established.
Currently, the BBC broadcasts in nearly 60 languages worldwide, including
a presence in Central Asia, where it offers programs in Uzbek, among other
languages.
Many American political scientists analyzing the structure of the U.S.
information policy conclude that television has historically maintained a unique
cooperative relationship with the country's highest political leadership. The
government secured enormous revenues for broadcasters in exchange for
supporting its key policy directions.
In U.S. information policy, the Cable Satellite Public Affairs Network (C-
SPAN), established in 1979 to inform the public about legislative activities, plays
a significant role. This channel broadcasts Republican and Democratic
conventions in full, without commentary, whereas commercial television
networks only cover key evening speeches.
Most Western countries, including the U.S., have developed the concept of
an "e-Government," an initiative through which governments worldwide
actively use information and communication technologies (ICT) to improve the
efficiency and quality of their services.
The "E-Government Development Index" in the U.S. is 3.11, in Australia –
2.6, in Singapore – 2.58, in Canada and the UK – 2.52, and in Germany – 2.46.
This index reflects the level of investment a country has made in digital
information and communication technologies (ICT) as a factor in its
development. [6]
Indeed, every state—whether a powerful, industrialized country with a
strong global presence or a newly independent developing nation—is
responsible for ensuring its security and protecting its citizens from ideological
threats. This necessity contributes to safeguarding the state from various
information-psychological threats. It is noteworthy that in several Western
countries, terms such as "information warfare" and "psychological warfare" are
commonly used. In Uzbekistan, the phenomenon known as "ideological threat" is
closely related in essence to these terms.
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As leading foreign nations focus on defending themselves against
information-psychological warfare, independent Uzbekistan also prioritizes
national security in the face of ideological threats. This political effort serves the
interests of our citizens, ensures regional security and stability, and ultimately
contributes to global peace.
American scholar Winn Schwartau categorizes information warfare into
three types:
1.
Information attacks directed at individuals.
2.
Organizational-level information wars, which aim to disrupt a
company’s operations by attacking its information systems.
3.
Global information wars. [7]
Such a classification helps in understanding different aspects of information
warfare. However, it is important to note that information wars also occur
between neighboring countries and across different regions, and these aspects
should not be overlooked.
Alongside the concept of "information warfare," the term "psychological
warfare" is widely used in both academic and public discourse. British historian
J. Fuller first introduced the term "psychological warfare" in 1920. Analyzing
World War I, he emphasized that war was not only about armed conflicts but
also involved information-psychological threats exchanged between states. [8]
Additionally, the widely used term "psychological operations" has its
origins in warfare. This term was first used by U.S. Navy Rear Admiral E.
Zacharias. During the war against Japan, he argued that victory required not
only military force but also psychological pressure on enemy soldiers, aiming to
weaken their patriotism and morale. [9]
As evident, the development of ideological struggles is often linked to
warfare, and such struggles can even lead to armed conflicts between nations.
It is important to highlight that the bipolar world system led to the long-
lasting "Cold War." This situation necessitated ideological defense mechanisms
for states. Consequently, in 1953, the United States introduced a national
advisory service dedicated to information-psychological strategy to protect itself
from external ideological threats and psychological operations. This service
conducted research to counter various ideological threats.
U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower wrote: "We are engaged in a Cold War. If
this war lacks a clear objective, it loses its meaning. Our goal in this war is to
secure victory without military action. Since two opposing systems coexist
today, our system must attract people more effectively. The system that wins
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over people's hearts, minds, and intellects will inevitably triumph in the future."
[10]
It can be said that while the U.S. president of that time identified the
"attractiveness of his system to people's minds and hearts" as the key factor for
victory, even today, certain forces carrying out ideological threats strive to
present their ideas in an appealing manner. Therefore, one of the key aspects of
a state's information policy is to promote the alignment of its citizens' activities
with national objectives.
Researcher T. Thomas, who studied the issue of information-ideological
threats, equates information resources with nuclear weapons. Considering that
information serves as the primary tool of ideological influence, his conclusions
can be summarized as follows:
Information resources should be protected just as nuclear weapons are.
Information resources can disrupt the balance of power.
Since information attacks often go unnoticed in their early stages,
preventive measures are not always possible.
Unlike nuclear weapons, information attacks do not pose environmental
risks, making them a more effective tool against adversaries.
Information operations can destabilize a country's economy.
Information attacks are an effective means of weakening national morale.
Information attacks can distort reality, leading a country to make incorrect
decisions or disrupt the decision-making process. [11]
Such information attacks are inherently ideological. Their impact poses a
threat not only to the state but also to every member of society, including
ordinary citizens. According to renowned American scholar Winn Schwartau,
"Sooner or later, everyone may become a target of an information attack, as
modern societies are based on information." [12]
Therefore, in today's rapidly globalizing world, every state that prioritizes
its national interests must take measures to protect itself from information-
ideological threats. Ensuring such security plays a crucial role in guaranteeing
the future development of national progress.
Adabiyotlar ro`yxati:
1.
Расторгуев С.П. Информационная война. М.: Радио и связь, 1998. – С.
35-36.
2.
Расторгуев С.П. Информационная война. М.: Радио и связь, 1998. – С.
35-37.
3.
Судоргин
О.
А.
Современная
информационная
политика
государства:мировой опыт и российская практика//диссертация на
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MODERN SCIENCES
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соискание ученой степени доктора политических наук. Москва, 2011. С-
147.
4.
Кирия И.В. Телевидение и интернет Франции на пути к
информационному обществу. М.: Изд-во Моск. ун-та, 2005. С-24-31.
5.
Сарафанов В.И. Информатизация системы государственного
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