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Original Research
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DOI
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SUBMITED
17 December 2024
ACCEPTED
19 January 2025
PUBLISHED
21 February 2025
VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue02 2025
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of the creative commons attributes 4.0 License.
A Look at The Military
Aggression of The Soviet
Union to Afghanistan
(December 1979-February
1989)
Hekmatullah Mirzada
Assistant professor, Department of history, Faculty of social sciences at
Parwan University, Parwan, Afghanistan
Abstract:
The Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan in
December 1979 is considered one of the most
important political and military events in the
contemporary history of Afghanistan as well as the Cold
War era. This event not only turned Afghanistan into a
proxy war scene between the superpowers of the East
and the West; rather, it left extensive effects on regional
and global security and stability. The importance and
necessity of this research lies in examining the internal
and external roots of this aggression, analyzing its
consequences and understanding its long-term effects
on the political, social and economic structures of
Afghanistan and the region. The purpose of this
research is to provide an analysis of the Soviet military
aggression against Afghanistan. The findings of this
research show that the internal political instability, the
internal differences of the Afghan People's Democratic
Party and the Soviet effort to maintain its geopolitical
influence in the region were the main reasons for this
aggression. Also, the consequences of this aggression
included massive human casualties, the destruction of
Afghanistan's infrastructure, and the increase in the
influence of Mujahideen forces, the effects of which
remained noticeable even decades later. On the other
hand, this war played an important role in weakening
the Soviet Union and its final collapse. The conclusion of
this research emphasizes that foreign military
interventions, regardless of the internal conditions of
the target country, instead of achieving political goals,
lead to instability and deeper crises. The Soviet invasion
of Afghanistan is one of the outstanding examples of the
failure of development policies, which is not only for the
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attacking
country;
It
also
had
devastating
consequences for the target country.
Keywords:
Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Cold War,
People's Democratic Party, political instability,
consequences.
Introduction:
The contemporary history of the world is
full of wars and military interventions, which each of
those has left a deep impact on the involved countries
and international relations. The military invasion of the
"Soviet Union" - which is referred to as the Soviet in the
text of this article - to Afghanistan, which began in
December 1979, is one of the most prominent
examples of such interventions, which had wide-
ranging and multilateral consequences. This event not
only led to fundamental changes in the political and
social structure of Afghanistan, but also turned into a
battlefield for the Cold War between the two
superpowers of that time, the United States and the
Soviet Union. The Afghanistan war, as one of the
longest and most expensive proxy wars of the 20th
century, is particularly important in the history of
international relations.
Before the Soviet invasion, Afghanistan was dealing
with a series of internal and external crises. Internal
differences between different political factions,
government instability, and foreign interference
provided the ground for Soviet military aggression in
this country. The April 27, 1978 coup and the
establishment of the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan was one of the turning points that
intensified the internal crises. The Soviet Union, which
sought to expand its influence in the region for years,
decided to intervene militarily when the then Afghan
government was on the verge of collapse. This
intervention, which took place with the claim of
supporting the legal government and dealing with
internal rebellions; But in practice, it became one of
the most important symbols of Soviet ambition during
the Cold War.
On the other hand, the consequences of this
aggression were not only limited to Afghanistan, but
also affected the region and the world. This war greatly
intensified the geopolitical competition between the
Eastern and Western blocs and played an important
role in the weakening and eventual collapse of the
Soviet Union. Inside Afghanistan, this military
intervention led to the beginning of a long and bloody
war that not only left millions dead and displaced, but
also severely destroyed the country's economic and
social infrastructure.
In this article, an attempt is made to explain the internal
and external factors of this intervention by examining
the historical, social and political contexts of the Soviet
military invasion of Afghanistan. Also, its consequences
will be analyzed at different national, regional and
global levels. By using reliable sources and historical
analysis, an attempt is made to provide a
comprehensive and multifaceted picture of this event
that can help to better understand its causes and
consequences.
Historical background of the research subject
Regarding the view of the Soviet military aggression in
Afghanistan, there have been brief and scattered
discussions in the history books that need to be
developed. In books like; “Afghan
-Soviet war; The cause
of the global collapse of communism”, by Amir Etimad
Danishyar, “The Afghan Jihad and the Cold War of the
Great Powers” by Mohammad Ibrahim Varsaji, “A look
at the causes and contexts of the Soviet military
aggression in Afghanistan” by Mohammad Youssef
Sh
arifi, “The Soviet invasion and defeat in Afghanistan”
by Saadat Moluk Tabesh Heravi, “Afghanistan, the
Soviet aggression and the Mujahideen resistance” by
Henry Bradshir, “The People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan; Coup, Sovereignty and Collapse” by
Mo
hammad Akram Andishmand, “A brief look at the
contemporary history of Afghanistan” by Mohammad
Ebrahim Ataei, etc. Some brief hints have been made in
this regard, which have been thoroughly and
comprehensively discussed in this article.
The general situation of Afghanistan on the eve of
Soviet military aggression
After the victory of the coup on May 31, 1978, instead
of the Military Council, the Revolutionary Council
announced a new government. The Revolutionary
Council, which was formed for the leadership of the
coup, appointed Noor Mohammad Taraki as the head of
the Revolutionary Council, Sadr Azam and General
Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan, and Babrak Karmal as
the same. He chose posts as his deputy and chose the
members of the cabinet from the combination of the
members of both factions (People's faction). During the
administration period of Noor Mohammad Taraki, the
Russians were also able to keep this privilege for
themselves, that since the period of Shah Amanullah,
they have always recognized the governments of
Afghanistan as official compared to other countries.
During the first days of the coup, the KGB in Kabul, on
the orders of Moscow, took active measures to obtain
the archives of the Ministry of Interior and Defense and
the Presidency (AGSA) , which had been renamed. For
these operations, they used their relatives who held a
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high position in the Afghan intelligence service (Sharifi,
1402: 41).
Hafizullah Amin left for Moscow on December 3, 1978,
along with a high-ranking delegation headed by Noor
Mohammad Taraki, after removing his political rivals
(Parcham faction) and appointing people loyal to him
instead. Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev warmly welcomed the
Afghan delegation, and the day after the delegation
arrived in Moscow, Noor Mohammad Taraki, in his
speech to the Soviet leader, approved the country's
policy on the Pashtun issue and on the 5th of
December of the same year, Noor Mohammad Taraki
signed the agreement of Hasan Hamjavari with
Brezhnev in the Kremlin, which Moscow used as a
document to invade Afghanistan one year later.
Although the Soviets were not obliged to prevent the
fall of the new communist regime in Afghanistan
according to the articles of the agreement; But they
were preparing in advance to save this regime from
failure and to keep Afghanistan under their influence,
even if this is possible through the use of military forces
if necessary (Sistani, 2000: 95).
The visit of Noor Mohammad Taraki from Moscow
brought two other signs that showed that Afghanistan
is moving towards the Soviet axis. One is that it was
summarized in the joint declaration that the contacts
between the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan
and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union will
further develop, and the other is that at the same time
the contract for the establishment of a permanent
commission was signed. An economic cooperation
agreement was signed between the two governments.
From a number of specific economic agreements that
were signed later, it was known that the strengthening
of various aspects of Afghanistan's economy depended
on the Soviet economy, and this principle led to the
real domination of Afghanistan's economy by The
Soviet Union.
With the coup of April 27, 1978, the foreign policy of
Afghanistan changed from the foundation. The foreign
policy that was designed and implemented by Afghans
themselves before the establishment of the People's
Democratic Party, this policy was designed in Moscow
and handed over to the leaders of the Afghan
government for implementation. Another political line
of Moscow should be followed and applied (Mobarez,
1390: 405).
In this order, the Soviets and their intelligence
apparatus (KGB) found an open hand in both internal
affairs and foreign policies, and in all ministries and
other departments, Russian advisers were appointed
and had complete control over affairs. They did at the
same time,
Hafizullah Amin chased his opponents (Parcham faction)
from all government and military positions or
imprisoned them. This method of Hafizullah Amin soon
made the level of his supporters heavier against those
of Noor Mohammad Taraki, and as a result, two groups
(Taraki supporters and Amin supporters) came into
power within the party. The Soviet plan, based on
preserving the relationship and cooperating with Noor
Mohammad Taraki to replace Hafizullah Amin,
collapsed. This incident provided the worst possible
result for the Soviets. The rule of Hafizullah Amin by
removing the power from Noor Muhammad Taraki
increased, and Hafizullah Amin's hatred of the Soviets
made cooperation to solve the needs that both sides
needed in the future a problem (Bradshir, 1378: 138).
Noor Mohammad Taraki, who had traveled to Havana,
the capital of Cuba, to participate in the meeting of non-
aligned countries; after entering the presidential office,
he called the members of the party's political committee
to report on his trip. The meeting of the political
committee started and before Noor Mohammad Taraki
presented his travel report, some of his fans suggested
that Hafizullah Amin should answer the political
committee about the conspiracy he arranged to kill
Noor Mohammad Taraki. Hafizullah Amin also pointed
to the conspiracy that was planned against him by Noor
Mohammad Taraki, and then he left the meeting and
the others also returned to their workplaces. Now, the
discords between Noor Mohammad Taraki and
Hafizullah Amin was revealed. Hafizullah Amin took the
initiative and on the evening of September 13, 1979, he
announced the dismissal of three of the fans of Taraki.
These three people were Defense Minister Islam
Watanjar, Communications Minister Seyed Mohammad
Gulabzoi, Interior Minister Shirjan Mazdooryar, and
AGSA President Asdullah Sarwari, who was considered
one of Noor Mohammad Taraki's staunch supporters.
After this, Hafizullah Amin boldly ordered to transfer
Noor Mohammad Taraki from the citadel harem to Koti
Bagche, which is one of the most beautiful buildings of
Amir Abdul-Rahman Khan and connected to the harem.
Noor Mohammad Taraki spent some time there with his
wife, and three weeks later on October 8 or 9 of the
same year, because none of the fans came to him, he
was suffocated by Amin's order with a pillow and was
buried in Kul-Abechkan next to his brother's grave. The
news of Taraki's death was published on the last page of
the Kabul newspaper as a worthless and insignificant
news, and his grave was opened one night after his
burial by unknown people and his div was set on fire.
In this way, the student prevailed over the master and
he relied on the strength of the master (Sistani, 2000:
125).
It should be noted that the Soviet Union, which was
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taken aback by the murder of Noor Mohammad Taraki,
was the first country to congratulate Hafizullah Amin's
government without any reaction, and without the
change of its ambassador from Kabul, which Hafizullah
Amin had requested. He accepted the delay and
instead sent a Tatar person named Fekrat Tabif as the
new ambassador to Kabul.
Factors of Soviet military aggression in Afghanistan
Internal factors
Hafizullah Amin took charge of all government affairs
by himself after examining Noor Mohammad Taraki
inside the presidential palace on September 14, 1979.
After gaining power, Hafizullah Amin's first act was to
announce the death of Noor Mohammad Taraki on
October 9, 1979; While he had killed him at the
beginning of his rule, the hope of his comrades was cut
off with the death of Noor Mohammad Taraki, and
Hafizullah Amin imprisoned many of his supporters
and killed many of them in a tragic way. At the
beginning of Hafizullah Amin's rule, Soviet send their
congratulations through Pozanov, the ambassador of
that country in Kabul. But Hafizullah Amin expelled
Ablouf, a member of that country's embassy, from
Kabul. In a meeting, the Soviet ambassador criticized
Hafizullah Amin for violating diplomatic regulations.
Hafizullah Amin, who was very angry on him, slapped
the ambassador and informed the Soviet to call up
Pozanov and send another person in his place. The
Soviet also called Pozanov to the Soviet and instead of
him, he sent Fikret Ahmad Janovitch Tabiov as an
ambassador, who planned the death of Amin at his
hands (Ataei, 1399: 416).
Hafizullah Amin did not deal well with the Soviets in the
first days of his government, for example, once his
discussions with the Soviet delegation about the price
of gas reached such an extent that he told them: "If you
accept the price that we have set and it is the same as
the international regulations, it is good, otherwise this
contract will be canceled completely, Afghanistan will
do its transfers by donkeys and betake the benefit of
the gas." Although he became very soft against the
Soviets later; But the Soviets did not believe him.
Hafizullah Amin knew that the Soviets planned to
overthrow his regime. Therefore, he referred to
America and Pakistan; but the conditions developed in
such a way that it was already too late to return his
relations with the Russians to their normal form. One
hundred and three days of Hafizullah Amin's leadership
in the People's Democratic Party and his party
government were accompanied by the Soviet-
friendship cry and emphasis on this friendship and
loyalty to the Soviet system and ideology. When the
Soviet representatives talked to Hafizullah Amin after
the explanations given by Shah Wali Khan, the foreign
minister of the government of Hafizullah Amin on
October 6, 1979, about the dismissal of Noor
Mohammad Taraki, and they stated that the enemies of
Afghanistan's friendship with the Soviets will take
advantage from Shah Wali's explanations. Amin said to
them: "...don't be afraid, let the people of Washington
come and see for themselves that they can't make a
breach in our friendship, our enemies are desperate,
because they have no hope anymore. I promise that we
will move towards communism. There should not be any
concern about the friendship and brotherhood of the
Soviet and Afghan people and the communist parties of
the two countries." (Andishmand, 2009: 275).
Hafizullah Amin's relations and relationships during his
short government were not limited only to Soviet
friendly cries and emotional expressions. In this period,
despite his calls and efforts to establish relations with
the United States of America and Pakistan, Hafizullah
Amin responded positively to all Soviet requests. He
warmly welcomed the Soviet military and security
delegation, who were incessantly coming and going to
Afghanistan during the one hundred and three day
government. He did not impose any conditions and
restrictions and the uninterrupted arrival of the Soviet
military and security authorities. He opened his ears to
hear any advice from the Soviets. He accepted the
advice of the Soviet representatives and Russian
advisers in moving his office and headquarters from the
presidential palace to the Taj Beig hill palace in Dar al-
Aman. He agreed to the entry of the military units of the
Red Army, which were defined as limited units. In
response to the message of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev and
Alexander Kasgin on the occasion of the first
anniversary of the agreement of December 5, 1978,
between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan, he spoke
about the importance and value of this agreement in the
expansion of relations between the two countries and
the ban of the Soviet Union on The agreement and the
implementation of the articles contained in the
agreement by the Soviet government expressed its
gratitude and pleasure. A few days later, Hafizullah
Amin said that the Soviet will apply the provisions of the
agreement exactly and without deviation. He expressed
the same questions about the Soviet agreement (the
agreement of December 5, 1978) three weeks before
the soldiers of that country killed him (Andishmand,
2009: 278).
Hafizullah Amin, who has been mistrusting the Soviets
for a long time and was trying to secretly open the way
of reconciliation with America and Pakistan and
reconcile with the Mujahideen of Afghanistan, in order
to prevent the Soviets from directly dominating
Afghanistan. Hafizullah Amin was trying to be close to
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America; because he did not have diplomatic
experience and skills, he resorted to destructive and
scattered measures, which probably destroyed its
success. The Americans, who did not trust his honesty
nor his skills and competence, ignored his appeals.
While, at the end of November 1979, Archerblad was
sent to Kabul and Hafizullah Amin met him; but again,
the American government did not take his request
seriously and did not cooperate with his government
(Farhang, 1390: 1015).
In the end, Yuri Andropov and other people close to
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev decided to kill Hafizullah Amin
and use the military forces to establish an obedient
leader in Kabul. Fear of (KGB) from Hafizullah Amin was
not the only reason for the military invasion to
Afghanistan; rather, the disturbance of the fall of the
ruling regime in Kabul was another motivation for this
decision. If the Soviet military forces were not sent, the
government system would fall apart due to the joining
of its people as opponents. If communism was to be
preserved in Afghanistan, Moscow must act decisively;
however, the KGB's negative perception of Hafizullah
Amin played a major role in accelerating their military
invasion of Afghanistan and forcing the members of
the party's political committee to do this. The Soviet
Political Committee on November 26, 1979, that is, five
days after the attack by members of the Jamaat-e-
Islami on the American Embassy in Islamabad-Pakistan
and three weeks after the hostage-taking of the
members of the American Embassy by Iranian students
in Tehran decided to attack Afghanistan (Kol, 1389:
48).
The influence and control of the Soviets on the Afghan
army and security apparatus during Hafizullah Amin's
rule expanded more than in the past. These relations
progressed until Hafizullah Amin's acceptance and
welting of the Red Army's entry into Afghanistan, and
the parts that Hafizullah Amin demanded to be kept by
him and his government. Contrary to his expectations
and wishes, these forces killed Hafizullah Amin himself
and overthrew his government.
Despite all this, the words that Hafizullah Amin used to
express in public in order to attract the attention of the
Russians, did not convince the Russians that they have
close relations and mutual support from his
government. Because of his secret relationship with
Pakistan and America and his meetings with western
political figures, he made a plan to remove Hafizullah
Amin very soon. On December 27, 1979, Soviet military
planes landed one after the other at Kabul and Bagram
military airports, and other Soviet forces that had
passed through the ports of Hayratan and Torghoundi
two days before, moved to Herat, Kandahar, Ghazni
and Kabul (Ataei, 1399: 424). The choice of the exact
date for sending Soviet military forces to Afghanistan,
America's preoccupation with the issue of hostage
taking of the members of that country's embassy in
Tehran, which began in November 1979, and the
Western world's preoccupation with New Year's Eve
was also not without influence. Victor Paputin visited
Kabul on November 28, 1979, he was responsible for
forcing Hafizullah Amin to invite an unlimited number of
Soviet military forces to Afghanistan without
restrictions and conditions so that with these forces
Hafizullah Amin's government could confront with his
opponents. Victor Paputin succeeded to get permission
to move certain groups of Soviet forces in Bagram,
Salang and Kabul airport. The mentioned used this
permission to bring the special units of the Soviet forces
to Kabul (Farhang, 1390: 1018). By the dawn of
December 27, 1979, hundreds of Soviet troops entered
Kabul and Bagram airport by hundreds of air flights;
Also, the armored forces that had crossed the Amu River
and were on their way to Kabul on the 4th of the same
year, entered the capital.
The Soviet advisers pretended that the arrival of these
forces was a military exercise in the parts of the Afghan
army. There was no state of emergency and serious
concern within the government in Kabul. Hafizullah
Amin was the host of the members of the political office
of the People's Democratic Party that day noon at Tape-
Taj-Beg Palace, and he made a statement on the
occasion of the fifteenth anniversary of the founding of
the People's Democratic Party and the meeting with
Tawakkel Tabif. And he appreciated their help.
Hafizullah Amin was assuring the members of the
political office of the People's Democratic Party of
military and financial aid from the Soviet Union, whose
Soviet cook was busy with poisoning his food in the
kitchen, and the Soviet forces were outside the
presidential palace, preparing for a military operation to
overthrow his government. The plan to poison
Hafizullah Amin was taken by the Group of Eight (KGB)
under the leadership of Yuri Andropov. That group
brought Talibf to Hafizullah Amin's palace as a cook.
While the plan to poison Hafizullah Amin by his Soviet
cook was successfully implemented at noon on
December 27 of the same year, and Hafizullah Amin
went into a coma after having lunch. The Soviet doctors,
not knowing about the program of overthrowing
operations, brought him to consciousness until the
beginning of the operations (Andishmand, 2009: 292).
On December 27th of the same year, when Hafizullah
Amin was still in the anesthesia bed and his condition
was improving, the operations to his place of residence
(Tajbeg Hill Palace) started with shooting bullets. More
than 700 members (KGB) from the center and its
surrounding areas were deployed in Kabul to participate
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in the operations. The soldiers put on the uniform of
the Afghan army and went into action to overthrow
Hafizullah Amin's government and dominate the
situation. Meanwhile, the 333rd strike unit (KGB) had
targeted the presidential palace and wanted Hafizullah
Amin to surrender. According to his wife’s speech, his
family members did not know who the attackers were.
After the siege of the palace, the Soviet forces
suggested to Hafizullah Amin's guard that they
surrender, but the guard resisted and as a result, there
was a fight between the two sides, which extended to
the inside of the palace. After crushing the resistance,
the Soviet forces soon entered the palace and
immediately shot the children and women living there.
One of the attackers, who was holding a picture of
Hafizullah Amin, pointed at him. In this way, with the
killing of Hafizullah Amin, his one hundred and three
day government period was ended (Moradi, 1394:
374).
Although the Afghan army was unhappy with the
performance of Hafizullah Amin in the merciless killing
of his family members and countrymen, and they were
thinking of opportunities to take revenge from this
regime, and the current situation was shrouded in
uncertainty, but they did not do a serious job of
defending Hafizullah Amin's regime. In this order, the
Soviets entered Afghanistan and appointed Babrak
Karmal as the ruler of the country instead of Hafizullah
Amin. By attacking on Afghanistan, the Soviets had
long-term political plans in mind. In the beginning, they
sought to establish a pro-Soviet and communist-
minded regime in Afghanistan. Then, this regime
prevented the spread of Islamic parties and
movements in Afghanistan, which were against the
interests of the Soviet Union. Because Afghanistan
could become an effective military base for more
Soviet access to its facilities in Abyssinia and South
Yemen (Rahmand, 1392: 284).
Regional factors
The geographical location of Afghanistan in the region
and the lack of a strong and centralized government in
this country from the distant past have turned this land
into a field of competition between the great powers.
Afghanistan is located in the sensitive and strategic
regions of Central Asia. On the one hand, it is related
to the Indian subcontinent and on the other hand, to
the Central Asian countries and the People's Republic
of China, and in the same way, it is related to the West
and the Middle East Asia, which therefore plays the
role of a communication bridge between these
regions. Despite all this, this country does not have
access to the open waters of the world and access to
these waters is through the countries of Iran and
Pakistan (Mohammadi, 1389: 14).
Since the time of the tsars, the Russians have been
thinking of progressing and occupying the land of non-
Russian lands. After the revolution of October 1917 and
the formation of the Soviet Union, they entered the
stage of encroachment on other lands. According to the
progressive policy they had in the region, the Soviets
wanted to take over the vast areas of India through
Afghanistan, and at the same time, through
Afghanistan, they came close to Iran, through this way
to the Persian Gulf and The sea of Oman has gained
control and the pulse of the region's power, and have
dominion and control over the oil of this region
(Andishmand, 2009: 220).
Although Afghanistan is in an onshore location; But its
geographical location has caused this country to enjoy a
suitable strategic location; Therefore, the appropriate
and sensitive geographical location of this land has
caused regional superpowers to always pay special
attention to it and always intervene in its political and
internal affairs and take the political stability of this
country into their own hands. Another reason for Soviet
military aggression and domination of Afghanistan was
to create an important and solid base for its political
influence in Asia and the Middle East, to establish
regimes dependent on it in the region and protect them,
as well as to confront Islamic movements in the Middle-
East, India subcontinent and Africa (Tabesh Heravi,
1392: 15). Some analysts consider the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan to reach the warm waters of India as their
main motivation. Because access to the warm waters of
India was one of the historical and permanent dreams
and goals of the Russians, and the design of this premise
was rooted in the expansionist attitude and advances of
the Russian tsarist government in the 18th and 19th
centuries.
In the 19th century, the tsarist rulers of Russia extended
their rule to South and Central Asia, and then this
expansionist policy was followed by the Bolshevik rulers
and the Soviet Socialist Government and the Soviet
Communist Party. Therefore, the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan at the beginning of the third decade of the
20th century was evaluated by some Western analysts
and politicians in order to complete the tsarist and
communist development policy of the Russians; But the
Soviet leaders reacted strongly and doubted any
thoughts and plans in this matter. The Soviet leaders
deemed the demand for development to access the
wealth and natural resources of other countries, as an
imperialist character and the colonialism of the western
imperialists, whom the smell of the oil attracts them to
the energy sources and wealth of other lands (Muslim
students, 1372: 7).
Although the Soviet leaders denied the existence of any
relationship between the invasion of Afghanistan and
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access to warm waters and other resources in the
Indian Ocean and the Middle East; But he placed the
military aggression on Afghanistan at the Shindand
airport, 360 kilometers from the Strait of Hormuz and
the eastern borders of Afghanistan, in the narrow
mouth of Khyber. This location could easily be the
point of departure of the Soviet forces in reach or at
least in the direction of threatening the important and
strategic regions of the Indian Ocean and the Middle
East.
International factors
The Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan and the
occupation of this country also have international
dimensions, and the combination of these factors
caused the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. The
communist regime led by Hafizullah Amin was
approaching the West Pole and had established
relations with Pakistan and Iran. As Pakistan's Foreign
Minister Agha Shahi reported to the US on October 31,
1979, Hafizullah Amin spoke passionately about
friendly relations with the West. Fearing that
Afghanistan under the leadership of Hafizullah Amin
would not fall into the American trap like Egypt under
the leadership of Anwar Sadat, so that decades of
Soviet efforts would not be wasted, the Soviets
attacked Afghanistan and launched a new puppet
regime. What they had done before and with bloody
aggression in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. On the
other hand, the Soviets thought that if this time the
Islamic government, neither eastern nor western,
dominates Afghanistan, with the geographical and
cultural proximity between Afghanistan and the
countries of Central Asia, the Soviet border will soon
reach the vicinity of Moscow. Probably to prevent it,
the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. As Gromov, the
commander of the Red Army in Afghanistan, considers
the Islamic uprising in Iran and Afghanistan to be the
reason for the occupation of Afghanistan (Mousavi,
1388: 130).
The People's Republic of China had become a great
world power with more revolutionary and practical
slogans and had stolen the ideal position of
communism and socialism from the Soviet Union.
Especially since its relations with America were getting
better and with the Soviet Union getting darker. The
occupation of Afghanistan by the Soviets also put
pressure on Communist China. The United States of
America, which had failed shamefully and with heavy
losses in Vietnam, and had lost its strength, was
ashamed of the world. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union
felt victorious and proud in supporting the communists
who wanted freedom in Vietnam. In order to trap its
rival in Afghanistan and create a Soviet Vietnam in
Afghanistan, America indirectly tried to make the Red
Army flow into Afghanistan and that day would be the
beginning of the destruction of the Soviet Union. As
Zbigniew Brzezinski admits this. On the other hand, the
American conflict in Iran due to the hostage taking of its
diplomats caused further Soviet interventions in
Afghanistan to take a more acute form. Also, America's
lack of success in attracting the cooperation and support
of other western countries in the Afghanistan issue
caused the western countries not to show much
interest. Therefore, America's approach to this issue
took the form of a clash between two superpowers. In
this aspect, international factors also caused the Soviet
Union to invade Afghanistan militarily (Versji, 1381: 83).
The reaction of the Afghan people against the Soviet
military aggression
The Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan, in addition
to shocking the world, was very difficult and unbearable
for the people of Afghanistan; because the people of
Afghanistan lost their political dignity. Because the
country was occupied and the political, economic,
social, cultural, religious and intellectual independence
of the people was violated. The people of Afghanistan
as a whole prepared for defense and jihad against the
communist system and the occupation of the country by
the Soviets. On February 22, 1980, they rose up against
the Soviets and the communist regime. Uprisings
continued in all parts of Afghanistan, from north to
south and from east to west, and the Russians
responded with blood and fire. A few months after the
22nd February uprising of the same year, the students
of Kabul University also rose up. But the members of the
People's Democratic Party and the soldiers of the
regime responded with bullets and painted Kabul
University with blood. Like Naheed, an Afghani girl was
also martyred in this university demonstration
(Mousavi, 1388: 142). After the Soviet forces entered
Afghanistan and installed Babrak Karmal on the
presidential throne, Afghan scholars and clerics reacted
strongly. Because the Soviet Union was a non-Islamic
country and Babrak Karmal was their puppet, which
maintained its sovereignty over the Islamic society of
Afghanistan with their support. It was for these reasons
that at the beginning of 1980, the meeting of the Islamic
Conference was held to condemn the Soviet military
aggression in Saudi Arabia, religious scholars there
declared Jihad against the Soviets and Karmal (Ataei,
1399: 415).
In this way, the people of Afghanistan were obliged to
join Jihad. On the other hand, the flood of Afghan
immigrants who had gone to Pakistan and Iran were
sent to military training centers by the jihadist leaders
and their colleagues, and it was not until a year passed
that the trained fighters entered the field. Mujahideen
and national fighters of Afghanistan bored the Soviet
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military forces and the Karmal administration. The
Soviets considered the issue simple and started
fighting against it with technical strength; but they
knew later that they faced the people of Afghanistan
and ultimately caused their defeat (Ataei, 1399: 415).
The consequences of the military aggression of the
Soviet Union to Afghanistan
The Soviet Union's military aggression against
Afghanistan has political and security consequences,
economic consequences, and social and cultural
consequences for both Afghanistan and the Soviet
Union, each of which is briefly stated below:
Consequences of Soviet military aggression on
Afghanistan
What that military aggression imposed on Afghanistan
itself and its deprived nation was oppression, coercion,
massacre,
condemnation,
displacement
and
destruction of all the individual and social aspects of
this society (Tabesh Heravi, 1392: 63). Here are some
of those consequences in brief:
Political and security implications
With the Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan, as
explained earlier, the political dignity of the Afghan
people was destroyed. The independence of the
country was questioned. Political instability prevailed
in the country. Soviet aggression led to the collapse of
the existing political system and civil war between
different Mujahideen groups. Increased violence and
civil wars began. Civil wars started and Afghanistan
turned into a hub for the activities of extremist groups.
As a result, the proxy war was strengthened and the
support of the Western and regional countries
(America, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia) to the
Mujahideen groups added to the security instability.
Unfortunately, one of the features of the revolution
and uprising of the people of Afghanistan is that all
uprisings and revolutions have had favorable results
for the people and the land of the revolutionaries in
the short and long term; But in Afghanistan, these
favorable results were stolen by others and even the
enemies of Afghanistan took advantage of it, and the
people were left with regrets and booty, tears and
sighs, blood and ashes, and that's it (Mousavi, 1388:
153).
Economic consequences
Another consequence of the Soviet military aggression
on Afghanistan is the economic consequences that
turned the country into ruins. All the economic assets
and infrastructure of the country were damaged and
industry and wealth stagnation prevailed in the
country. From 1979-1988, the Soviet army attacked
Kabul. Fierce wars took place in the surrounding area
and the country was severely damaged due to Russian
bombardment. Seventy percent of the villages were
either destroyed or severely damaged. Irrigation
systems and roads were destroyed and agriculture faced
a terrible stagnation (Ataei, 1399: 486).
The war between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union
destroyed
the
physical
capital
and
national
infrastructure and caused serious damage to production
and trade and caused the spread of poverty (Ishaq Zahi
Yousefi, 1403). As a result of the occupation of
Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, facilities and
infrastructures in this country were destroyed. At the
same time, it hindered the development and progress of
Afghanistan in the cultural, economic and social fields.
Also, with the invasion of Russian troops into
Afghanistan, a series of external interventions in the
affairs of this country began. It will take many years to
eliminate the negative effects of the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan. Like: The psychological effects of this war
will remain for a long time for the generation that was
in the war and the generation that was not yet
produced. From the point of view of reconstruction, at
least 10 years or more are needed to be able to stabilize
our economic indicators. Therefore, it can be said that
the Soviet air and ground attacks led to the widespread
destruction of cities and villages and, as a result, the
destruction of infrastructure. The migration of villagers
and the destruction of agricultural lands caused the fall
of agricultural production, and as a result, agricultural
and industrial production in the country decreased. One
of the most important economic consequences of the
Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan is that
Afghanistan became dependent on humanitarian and
international aid for decades, and this situation
continues until now.
Social and cultural consequences
The invasion of the Soviet Red Army into Afghanistan
caused the death of 1.5 million innocent people in this
country. Six million people were displaced and hundreds
of thousands of people were crippled and disabled due
to the crimes of the Red Army. Also, the collapse of all
the assets and cultural capitals happened to the people
of Afghanistan (Ataei, 1399: 487; Mousavi, 1388: 146).
Social solidarity weakened throughout the country and
the war deepened the social and economic gap (Ishaq
Zahi Yousefi, 1403). The imposition of the Russian
puppet government under the leadership of Babrak and
the communists shook the country's scientific and
cultural foundations. In 1983, the number of students
from Kabul University was reduced to 5,000, and this
was one of the strong blows on the country's culture. In
the same year, 1,400 students were sent to the Soviet
Union to study, which caused the opposition and anger
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of the Mujahideen of Afghanistan (Ataei, 1399: 425).
Despite all the restrictions, in 1983, 145 thousand
students were studying in schools. Most of the cultural
institutions of the youth had an outward aspect and
the dangerous issue was that the Soviet advisers
trained the Afghan youth in such a way that they only
have Soviet friendship in their hearts and forget Islamic
and Afghan traditions. All the affairs of Bakhtar Agency,
Radio, Television, Cinema, Theater and Press were
implemented by the supervision and guidance advisors
and the orders of the Soviets (Ataei, 1399: 426).
The consequences of the Soviet military invasion of
Afghanistan on the Soviet Union itself
Political and security implications
In the current bipolar international system, any change
caused by the effects of external factors has a direct
effect on the main power of the "center" and an
indirect effect on the "surrounding" governments, but
active. Therefore, Afghanistan's war with the Soviet
Union had a direct effect on the disintegration of the
Soviet Union and an indirect effect on the collapse of
Moscow-affiliated regimes (Danshiar, 1371: 307). Also,
the defeat of the Soviet Union in the Afghanistan war
made this country not only not defend the opponents
of the Chinese government; but also justify it. The
defeat of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan made its
defense of the "Noriega" regime ineffective against the
American military aggression. The war in Afghanistan
caused the political defeat of the Soviet Union in the
world and made this superpower not only free and
isolated in Islamic countries; Moreover, the communist
parties of Europe also condemned the aggression and
campaign of the Soviets in Afghanistan. The defeat of
the Soviet Union in Afghanistan prevented this
superpower from directly supporting Iraq, its main ally
in the Middle East, and Moscow's withdrawal reached
the point where America completely destroyed Iraq in
an unprecedented campaign, without any practical
response from its nuclear rival (Danshiar, 1371: 306).
Economic consequences
The Soviets spent billions of dollars in the war in
Afghanistan and this put a lot of pressure on their
economy. The costs of the war and international
sanctions led to economic stagnation and reduced
production in the Soviet Union. Due to instability and
war, foreign investors were reluctant to invest in the
Soviet Union, which led to a decrease in economic
growth.
Social and cultural consequences
In the war in Afghanistan, about 14,453 Soviet soldiers
were killed and 53,753 people were wounded, and
these losses had a deep impact on the Soviet society
(Ataei, 1399: 426). The return of wounded soldiers and
the expression of bitter memories of the war had a
negative effect on public morale and increased social
problems in the Soviet Union, and the defeat in
Afghanistan caused a review of the ideology and cultural
policies of the Soviet Union.
CONCLUSION
The Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan is one of the
key events in the contemporary history of Afghanistan
as well as the Cold War era, the consequences of which
affected the region and the world beyond the borders
of Afghanistan. Examining the internal and external
factors of this aggression shows that the political and
social conditions prevailing in Afghanistan, especially
after the April coup of 1978, paved the way for Soviet
military intervention. Political instability, the internal
differences of the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan and the Soviet effort to maintain its
strategic influence in the region were among the most
important reasons for this event.
From the analysis of the consequences of this
aggression, we can see that the Soviet military presence
not only did not help to stabilize the political situation in
Afghanistan; Rather, it led to the escalation of crises, the
start of a long-term war, and the strengthening of
opposition forces, including the Afghan Mujahideen.
From an international point of view, this aggression led
to an increase in tensions between the Eastern and
Western blocs and encouraged the US and its allies to
provide extensive support to anti-Soviet groups in
Afghanistan. This ultimately contributed to the erosion
of Soviet power, its economic and social weakening, and
ultimately the collapse of the Soviet Union in the
beginnings of 1990. On the other hand, Afghanistan
faced irreparable damages due to the consequences of
this aggression. Widespread human casualties,
destruction of infrastructure and displacement of
millions of people were among the direct and indirect
consequences of this war. Also, the Soviet military
intervention and its withdrawal caused more instability
in Afghanistan, the effects of which continue to this day.
From a scientific perspective, this study emphasizes that
foreign
military
intervention,
especially
when
accompanied by an incomplete understanding of a
country's internal conditions, can lead to disastrous
consequences. In addition, this event is a clear example
of the effects of geopolitical competition of great
powers on small and fragile countries. The current
research shows that a detailed understanding of the
political and social history of a country and paying
attention to the long-term consequences of military
interventions can prevent the recurrence of such
disasters.
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In general, the Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan
can be seen as one of the prominent examples of the
failure of developmentalist policies, which not only did
not achieve the goals of the attackers; Rather, it led to
more instability and crises at the national and
international levels.
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