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Vol. 5, No. 11 – Special Issue (EJAR)
ISSN: 2181-2020
LPTIENP
International Scientific-Practice Conference on
“Linguistics and Pedagogical Technologies:
International Experience and National Practice”
Denau, November 20, 2025
in-academy.uz/index.php/ejar
LINGUACULTURAL ANALYSIS OF HAND GESTURES IN ENGLISH AND
UZBEK
Tangriyev Valisher Azamovich
Researcher at Denau Institute of Entrepreneurship and Pedagogy
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17626686
Abstract:
This article provides a comparative analysis of hand gestures in English and Uzbek
cultures, focusing on their semiotic and linguacultural features. The study reveals a fundamental
distinction: gestures in English-speaking cultures are predominantly functional and pragmatic, aimed
at efficient communication, whereas in Uzbek culture, they serve a deep ritualistic and social function,
reflecting established hierarchies and respect. By examining specific examples from daily life and
literature, the paper demonstrates how these non-verbal cues are embedded with unique cultural codes
and underscores the importance of gestural competence for effective cross-cultural communication.
Keywords:
non-verbal communication, hand gestures, semiotics, linguaculture, cross-cultural
communication, pragmatics, cultural codes.
The hands and fingers are the most mobile parts of the human div, and in the process of
communication, they become the most active and meaningful nonverbal means of expression. These
movements constitute a complex semiotic system defined by society. As the renowned paralinguistics
researcher Adam Kendon noted, hand gestures are not merely an adornment to speech but an integral
part of the process of forming and transmitting thought. A cultural analysis of this system shows that
hand gestures in English and Uzbek cultures have fundamental differences in their function and
symbolic meanings: in English culture, they tend to be more functional-pragmatic in nature, whereas
in Uzbek culture, they carry deep ritualistic-social significance.
In English-speaking cultures, paralinguistic features related to the hands are often aimed at
conveying specific information quickly and effectively, that is, performing a pragmatic function. For
example, gestures such as "air quotes" (used to cast irony on a speaker's words), the "thumbs-up" (as
a sign of approval or agreement), or the "V-sign" (which became a symbol of peace after World War
II) are carriers of information that are close to universal within their segment. This functionality is
demonstrated more profoundly in the practice of the "handshake." In Western communication culture,
a handshake is not just a greeting but can become a complex psychological game expressing
dominance, equality, and submission. As Kyle Wang's analysis shows, extending the hand with the
palm facing down (palm-down) encourages the interlocutor to respond with their palm up, sending a
signal of dominance (the "upper hand")[14]. Typically, equals shake hands with their palms in a
vertical position (see Figure 1). These subtle manipulations have become an integral part of political
and business communication in the Western world, as the handshake is considered the first and most
powerful means of strengthening an alliance or demonstrating one's superiority.
18
Vol. 5, No. 11 – Special Issue (EJAR)
ISSN: 2181-2020
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International Scientific-Practice Conference on
“Linguistics and Pedagogical Technologies:
International Experience and National Practice”
Denau, November 20, 2025
in-academy.uz/index.php/ejar
Figure 1. A scene depicting the demonstration of dominance in a handshake
In contrast, in Uzbek culture, hand movements serve a more profound ritual function that
reflects and reinforces complex social relationships rather than just performing a specific function.
Here, gestures serve to define the age and status differences between people. M. Saidkhonov, who
conducted research in this area, also specifically notes that Uzbek nonverbal communication is based
on long-established ritual (
udum
) and etiquette (
odob
) rules [11]. For example, the act of standing
with hands clasped (
qoʻl qovushtirib turish
), a symbol of obedience, respect, and readiness to serve,
is an integral part of Uzbek culture. For instance, Darvesh, a character in Abdulla Qodiriy's novel
“Mehrobdan chayon”, is portrayed in this exact manner:
Birinchi eshik yonida qoʻl qovushtirib turgan
Darvеsh hudaychi taajjub va hayrat ichida Anvarni qarshilab, ikkinchi xonadagi “janob” huzuriga
ketdi.
Here,
"qo'l qovushtirish"
is not just a pose; it is a powerful semiotic sign indicating that Darvesh
knows his social place and unconditionally acknowledges the high status of the respected person.
Similarly, shaking with two hands is not a simple greeting but a cultural ritual expressing deep respect
and sincerity.
Another aspect specific to our culture is that if a person of higher age or status does not extend
a hand for a handshake, the other party will not extend theirs. A similar particularity exists in Eastern
cultures when greeting women; if a woman does not extend her hand, a handshake is not initiated.
The greeting process in Uzbek culture is also highly ritualized, often lasting several minutes and
involving mandatory inquiries about well-being and family, accompanied by sincere emotion [15].
It can be said that while the analysis of English gestures shows they are more derived from
personal opinion and pragmatic necessity, Uzbek gestures demonstrate that they are a non-linguistic
expression of established social order, collective values, and mutual respect and honor. This can also
be seen in the example of a simple greeting. There is not only a difference in the action itself but a
whole cultural specificity between a simple wave of the hand by an English driver to an acquaintance
on the road and the greeting of an Uzbek child who places his hand on his chest with a bow before
his father.
Human communication transmits important information not only through active div parts like
the face and hands but also through movements of the middle part of the div – the shoulders, waist,
chest, and stomach. These paralinguistic features often manifest unconsciously and form a semiotic
system of signs that silently reveal a person's self-confidence, emotional state, and cultural
upbringing.
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Some gestures in this area have a universal character. For example, shrugging the shoulders (to
shrug) to express ignorance, indifference, or helplessness is understood almost identically in all
cultures, which indicates its universal, biological basis. In Tohir Malik's “Alvido, bolalik”, this is
apparent in Dilfuza's response when confronted with an awkward question:
Dilfuza javob oʻmiga
yelka qisdi. - Nimaga keladi? - Bilmadim... dadam... unga uylanadilar shekilli?
[5] Here, the gesture
has become a complete communicative unit replacing the word. This gesture also appears in Kh.
Tukhtaboyev's work, where it signifies helplessness.
“Nima qilishlarini bilmay yelka qisib,
«Astagʻfurullo» deya kalima oʻgirib, bir-birlariga qarab qoʻyishar edi
[13]. This same universal
meaning is repeated in this English example. When I tried to ask him this, he would just shrug his
shoulders[6].
However, many other gestures have deep cultural codes. For example, while puffing out one's
chest signifies pride and dominance in both cultures, its social interpretation differs. The balding,
little man had puffed out his chest and looked extraordinarily pleased with himself[12]. Research by
Harvard University psychologist Amy Cuddy shows that such "power poses" not only send a signal
of self-confidence to the outside world but also have a positive effect on a person's internal hormonal
state, genuinely increasing self-confidence[2]. Thus, this gesture has a universal biological basis.
However, its social acceptability depends on cultural norms. While in Robert Smith's example, the
"puffing out his chest" by a small, bald man creates a comic effect, in Utkir Hoshimov's work, this
action has a positive meaning.
Kecha kolxozda ketmon chopib, biri ikki boʻlmagan dehqon bugun yer
olib, bola-chaqasi bilan gullatib qoʻysa-yu, qaddini kerib yursa, quvonaman
[3]. Here,
"qaddini
kerish"
(to straighten one's posture) is not arrogance but a symbol of deserved pride, honor, and
dignity achieved through labor. This small difference, in turn, shows the gap between the concept of
showing off, which is often negatively evaluated in Western culture, and the concept of gaining
respect through one's labor, which is valued in Eastern culture.
The analysis of paralinguistic features related to the middle part of the div also reveals how
cultures express abstract concepts through somatic metaphors. In Uzbek culture, the meaning of
resolutely starting an important task is expressed through several somatic codes such as
bel
bogʻlamoq
(A. Qodiriy:
Shohi baxtiyorning xizmatlariga bel bogʻlagʻan oq salla, koʻk salla, toʻni
malla otalarimizning dillari ham hamesha soqollaridek oq boʻlsin, omin!
[8]) or
yeng shimarmoq
(Kh.
Tukhtaboyev:
“Miriy janoblari, nihoyat, haqsizlikning poyoniga yetish uchun yeng shimardi
[13].).
In English culture, the corresponding phrases are to gird oneself (Four days from now, five at the
most, he'd gird himself and dump it all over her because he had no other choice[7]) or to roll up one's
sleeves (He gave me his cufflinks to hold and rolled up his sleeves and got right down to business in
the dirt[3]). The roots of these metaphors lie in cultural experience. The Uzbek idioms refer more to
the image of a historical warrior or farmer, while the English variants originate from the actions of a
manual laborer.
M. A. Kurbanov, a paralinguistics researcher in Uzbekistan, also emphasizes in his works that
Uzbek nonverbal means are more oriented towards collective and social relations[10]. In English,
offering help is mainly expressed through the phrase to lend a hand (Guild solidarity required him to
lend a hand in leading to a safe harbor his generous project of being a specialist in "moro literature in
Castillian," of becoming a "Tarzan of the moros" or something similar[1]), that is, as an individual
action. In Uzbek culture, paralinguistic and lexical units like
yelka tutmoq
and
yelkadosh boʻlmoq
are
widespread (–
Shuncha yillar davomida rizqimizni teng boʻlishib yedik. Bir-birimizning bogʻimizdagi
mevadan totinsak oʻgʻri boʻlmagan edik. Toʻyi-toʻychiq, a’zamizda yelkadosh boʻldik. Endi
qanaqadir gʻalamislar boshlagan gʻurbatning orqasidan dushmanga aylanamizmi?!
[4]). The
20
Vol. 5, No. 11 – Special Issue (EJAR)
ISSN: 2181-2020
LPTIENP
International Scientific-Practice Conference on
“Linguistics and Pedagogical Technologies:
International Experience and National Practice”
Denau, November 20, 2025
in-academy.uz/index.php/ejar
"shoulder" (
yelka
), by its physical nature, implies standing side-by-side, carrying a burden together,
and thus expresses solidarity and unity more than individual help.
National-cultural values are deeply rooted not only in language but also in the accompanying
nonverbal behavioral codes. Abdulla Qodiriyning “Oʻtkan kunlar” romani yorqin misol boʻla oladi.
A vivid example can be found in Abdulla Qodiriy's novel “O'tkan kunlar” (Days Gone By), where
the seemingly simple ritual of serving tea manifests as a complex semiotic scene, revealing the social
hierarchy, gender roles, and traditions of respect within an Uzbek family. This phenomenon is
particularly reflected in the interplay of verbal and non-verbal cues as Zaynab serves tea to her
mother-in-law:
Sutchoydan soʻng qumgʻonda choy keldi. Zaynab birinchi piyolaga quyib oʻrnidan
turdi va qayin onasiga ikki qoʻllab uzatdi, ikkinchi piyolani toʻldirib oʻrnidan turmoqchi boʻlgʻan
edi, uni Otabek toʻxtatdi
[9]. In this scene, Zaynab's every action — standing up, bowing, and
especially offering the cup with both hands — is not just a habit but a ritualistic act expressing the
young bride's acknowledgment of her social position and her mother-in-law's status. The different
reactions of Otabek and his mother to these actions hint at the potential conflict between generations
and gender views of that period. Thus, through a single domestic scene, we witness the non-linguistic
manifestation of an entire cultural system.
In conclusion, this comparative analysis confirms that div language is far from universal; it is
a sophisticated semantic system deeply encoded with specific cultural values. The distinction
identified between the functional-pragmatic gestures of English culture and the hierarchical,
ritualistic gestures of Uzbek culture underscores this point. This divergence demonstrates that a
gesture's meaning is not inherent in the movement itself but is assigned by the society. Misinterpreting
these cues can lead to significant cross-cultural misunderstandings, not just in daily interaction but in
high-stakes fields. Therefore, a deeper, nuanced study of these "semantic concepts" is critical. It
allows for more accurate translation studies (capturing non-verbal intent), more insightful
linguacultural research (connecting actions to values), and more reliable gender analysis
(understanding culturally-defined roles). Furthermore, it provides essential data for psychological
expertise (distinguishing cultural norms from individual behavior) and even military intelligence,
where misreading a non-verbal signal can have profound consequences.
References:
1.
Ararou, A. (2019). Textophagy.
Research in African Literatures, 48(3)
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Cuddy, A. J. C., Wilmuth, C. A., & Carney, D. R. (2012).
The benefit of power posing before
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Godwin, G. (2001). Largesse.
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hoshiyasidagi bitiklar
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Vol. 5, No. 11 – Special Issue (EJAR)
ISSN: 2181-2020
LPTIENP
International Scientific-Practice Conference on
“Linguistics and Pedagogical Technologies:
International Experience and National Practice”
Denau, November 20, 2025
in-academy.uz/index.php/ejar
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