International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
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VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue06 2025
PAGE NO.
12-18
10.37547/ijhps/Volume05Issue06-03
The Religious and Cultural Environment of Khorasan
And Transoxiana In Muslim Geographical Literature of
the 3rd/4th (9th/10th) Centuries
Muxriddin Xasanovich Jo‘rayev
Senior Lecturer, Denov Institute of Entrepreneurship and Pedagogy, Uzbekistan
Received:
12 April 2025;
Accepted:
08 May 2025;
Published:
10 June 2025
Abstract:
This article explores the religious, cultural, and intellectual landscape of the Khorasan and Transoxiana
regions during the 3rd and 4th centuries AH (9th and 10th centuries CE) through the lens of classical Muslim
geographical literature. Focusing on the works of prominent geographers such as Istakhri, Ibn Hawqal, and al-
Maqdisi, the study investigates how these texts portray the natural, political, and spiritual boundaries of the
region. Particular attention is given to the description of scientific institutions, religious pluralism, and sectarian
diversity, shedding light on the vibrant scholarly and cultural atmosphere of the period. The article further
evaluates the historiographical and analytical value of these sources for modern historical and geographical
scholarship.
Keywords:
Khorasan, Transoxiana, Muslim geographical literature, Istakhri, Ibn Hawqal, al-Maqdisi, religious
diversity, scientific centers, cultural history, sectarian landscape.
Introduction:
In the 4th/10th century, the regions of
Khorasan and Transoxiana were among the leading
centers of the Central Islamic world, excelling in
political, social, and cultural spheres, with notable
developments in various fields, including science,
jurisprudence (fiqh), theology (kalam), and logic.
Prominent Muslim geographers of this period
—
including Istakhri, Ibn Hawqal, and al-Maqdisi
—
left
invaluable information concerning the natural
boundaries, political-territorial divisions, and scholarly
life of these regions. Notably, al-Maqdisi provides in-
depth analyses of the scientific centers, sectarian
diversity, and socio-cultural environment of Khorasan
and Transoxiana in his works. The scientific and
analytical aspects of the geographical depictions of
these regions, as well as the religious movements
present and their influence, are studied based on the
writings of these geographers.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Valuable insights into the political, social, and cultural
life of Khorasan and Transoxiana in the 4th/10th
century are extensively covered in the works of Muslim
geog
raphers. For instance, Istakhri’s work Kitāb al
-
Masālik wa
-l-
Mamālik offers detailed information on
the road systems, cities, and natural geography of
Khorasan and adjacent areas. He particularly
emphasizes the economic and administrative centers
of the region.
Ibn Hawqal, in his eponymous work, updates Istakhri’s
maps and provides supplementary information on the
political-territorial divisions, the ethnic composition of
the population, and religious conditions. His
descriptions are distinguished by historical and
geographical accuracy. Of special note are his
observations regarding local governance structures and
their impact on the development of Islamic sciences.
Al-
Maqdisi’s Aḥsan al
-
taqāsīm fī maʿrifat al
-
aqālīm
offers a profound analysis of Khorasan and Transoxiana
not only from a geographical standpoint but also
through the lenses of cultural and religious distinctions.
He describes the region’s scientific centers, the
sectarian diversity prevailing there, social strata, and
the intellectual climate within Muslim society. His
accounts particularly highlight the scholarly and
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religious life of cities such as Bukhara, Samarkand, and
Nishapur.
Contemporary scholars such as C. E. Bosworth, André
Miquelle, and Paul Lunde have analyzed these primary
sources, demonstrating their significant historical-
geographical value. Moreover, studies on the spread of
Sunni and Shia schools in Transoxiana and their
influence on regional intellectual developments have
relied heavily on the re-examination of these texts,
providing a methodological foundation for further
research.
Thus, the existing literature creates not only a historical
but also a scientific and philosophical framework for
investigating the multifaceted life of these regions in
the medieval period.
METHODOLOGY
This study employs historical-geographical analysis and
source criticism methods. The primary sources consist
of selected works by Muslim geographers
—
Istakhri,
Ibn Hawqal, and al-Maqdisi. Through a detailed content
and contextual analysis, the political-territorial
structure, scholarly and cultural conditions, and
religious diversities of the region are examined. A
comparative approach is applied by juxtaposing the
descriptions of these geographers to assess their
historical reliability and academic value. Furthermore,
intertextual connections with modern scholarly
literature are established to identify continuity and
correspondence between historical sources and
contemporary research.
DISCUSSION AND RESULTS
Geographers generally define Khurasan as a vast region
bordered by Khwarezm, Transoxiana, Persia, Sijistan,
and the Indian lands [13. 253 b, 8. 426 b]. Istakhri and
Ibn Hawqal, however, considered Sijistan, Khurasan,
and Transoxiana as separate entities. In al-
ʿUlam,
Khurasan and Transoxiana are also depicted as two
independent regions. Maqdisi was aware of the
tripartite division of Khurasan, Sijistan, and Transoxiana
but preferred to treat them as a single whole. Although
Maqdisi emphasized the importance of the Jayhun
River in defining boundaries, he also regarded areas
such as Isbijab, Shash, Sughd, Khwarezm, Khuttal,
Sijistan, and Transoxiana as part of Khurasan. Maqdisi
divided Transoxiana (Haytal) into six provinces:
Fergana, Isbijab, Shash, Ustrushana, Sughd, and
Bukhara; whereas Khurasan was subdivided into nine
provinces: Balkh, Ghazna, Bust, Sijistan, Herat, Juzjan,
Marv, Nishapur, and Kuhistan. Around the Jayhun and
its vicinity lay Khuttal, Guwaziyan, and Khwarezm[14.
261-69 b].
In the 4th/10th century, both Khurasan and
Transoxiana were under the rule of the Samanids, while
Sijistan was governed by the Saffarids, who were
vassals to the Samanids. By the late century, the
incursions and ascendancy of the Ghaznavids and the
Karakhanids led to the complete dissolution of the
Samanid state in 395/1005 [2. 267-341 b]. During the
Samanid era, Khurasan experienced significant
scientific and cultural progress, and some of its cities
became important centers of Islamic scholarship. The
leading scientific hubs in Khurasan included Marv,
Balkh, and Nishapur, while Bukhara and Samarkand
held similar prominence in Transoxiana.
Geographers praised the scientific and cultural state of
the region. Istakhri highlighted the presence of many
renowned scholars and jurists in Marv. Ibn Hawqal
noted that Khurasan produced prominent figures in
fiqh, theology, logic, and kalam, particularly from Balkh
and Marv, with numerous scholars and literati
emerging from these cities. Nishapur was also noted for
its distinguished scholars and jurists. Similarly,
Transoxiana was described as a land inhabited by
learned and righteous people, especially Bukhara,
whose inhabitants were considered superior in terms
of knowledge, jurisprudence, and piety. The Samanid
dynasty’s patronage significantly contr
ibuted to this
intellectual flourishing. Maqdisi mentions that rulers
abstained from the practice of kissing the ground
before scholars and instead organized scholarly
gatherings in city centers, where debates and
discussions contributed to the vibrant scientific life of
the region.
Maqdisi repeatedly emphasizes the intellectual
maturity of the region’s population. He underscores
the exaltation of Islam in this area and the emergence
of many scholars and jurists[14. 339 b]. Maqdisi even
argues that a single servant from this region could be
considered equal to rulers of other lands. The city of
Samarkand in Transoxiana was unparalleled in the
science of jurisprudence (usul al-fiqh), while cities like
Marv, Balkh, and Nishapur in Khurasan produced
distinguished scholars excelling in their respective
fields. Ibn al-Faqih and Maqdisi, citing Muhammad ibn
Abdullah, highlighted Khurasan’s superiority over other
regions. According to them, the population of Kufa was
mostly Shi‘a and followers of Ali, Basra’s inhabi
tants
were predominantly Umayyad supporters favoring
withdrawal, and the Jazira region was home to true
Harurites, people resembling atheists, and Christians in
morality. The people of Sham recognized only
Mu‘awiya and the Umayyads, while the populations o
f
Mecca and Medina supported Abu Bakr and Umar. The
inhabitants of Khurasan, however, were distinct in
being less divided by sectarian affiliations and generally
more advanced and successful in many matters[11. 315
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b].
Khurasan’s scientific development was
substantial,
transforming it into a key region in terms of intellectual
and cultural significance. Maqdisi notes that, although
Sunni views predominated in the 4th/10th century,
sectarian diversity was present. This diversity fostered
scholarly activity and growth. However, sectarian
conflicts also emerged, making it inaccurate to fully
accept reports suggesting the absence of sectarian
divisions during this period.
The coexistence of various sects alongside scientific
endeavors contributed to the evolution of religious
schools and made Khurasan a crucial area in Islamic
sectarian history. From the Umayyad period onward,
numerous sects such as the Kharijites, Murji‘a, Shi‘a,
Mu‘tazila, and Karramiyya existed in different parts of
the region.
In Maqdisi’s account, aside from the Khawarij, other
sects were proportionally present in Khorasan. The
Khawarij, however, constituted the majority only in the
regions of Sijistan, Herat, Karukh, and Astarabad. The
inhabitants of Futah, Zanbuk, Kuvayn, and Baranvoz
—
cities under Sijistan
—
were identified as Khawarij.
Additionally, the city of Farah, also under Sijistan, had a
mixed population consisting partly of Khawarij and
partly of Sunni. Istakhri and Ibn Hawqal similarly report
the presence of Khawarij in the cities of Karukh,
Astarabad, and Hajistan within the Herat region. The
Hudud al-Alam mentions the presence of Khawarij in
the city of Isfizar in Herat. Both Istakhri and Ibn Hawqal
note the existence of Sunni inhabitants in this city as
well. Therefore, it can be concluded that both Khawarij
and Sunnis were present in Isfizar[6. 104 b]. From these
data, it is evident that during this period, the Khawarij
were mainly concentrated in the regions of Sijistan and
Herat, while being scarce in other areas.
After a group of Khawarij were defeated in the Battle
of Nahrawan in 38/658, many fled to Kirman and
Sijistan[1. 58 b]. Thus, the foundations of the Khawarij
movement, which later became strongly manifest in
these regions, were laid. Various Khawarij factions such
as the Azariqa, Najadat, and Ajarida operated actively
in this area. The Khawarij uprisings, which continued
for many years in Sijistan, changed during the reign of
Ya'qub ibn Layth al-Saffar (d. 265/879). The Khawarij
leader Ammar ibn Yasir al-Khawariji was killed by
Ya'qub in 251/865. From that time onwards, Ya'qub
suppressed the uprisings and brought the Khawarij
under his control. Consequently, Ya'qub broke the
military power of the Khawarij and weakened their
status in the region. After this, no significant Khawarij
rebellions occurred in the area, although geographical
sources indicate that the Khawarij continued their
activities there. Malati (d. 377/987), who lived during
this era, also mentions the presence of Khawarij groups
in Sijistan, Herat, and Khorasan. Furthermore, he notes
that some Khawarij in Herat and Istakhr abandoned
their sect and adopted Mu'tazilite doctrines. However,
this region did not have an established Mu'tazilite
movement, indicating their numbers were small.
Nonetheless, it can be observed that in the 4th/10th
century, the Khawarij movement was still strong in
certain parts of Khorasan but gradually diminished as
some members converted to other sects.
According to Maqdisi, apart from the regions of Shash,
Ilaq, Tus, Nasa, Abivard, Taraz, and Sangach, the
majority of Khorasan and Transoxiana were
predominantly Hanafi. Due to the strong influence of
the Murji’ite doctrine in the 2nd/8th century, Abu
Hanifa’s views began to spread rapidly in Khorasan. In
particular, the city of Balkh became a center of Hanafi
jurisprudence, and over time, the Hanafi madhhab also
influenced other cities in Khorasan. By the 3rd/9th
century, the regions of Tokharistan and Transoxiana
predominantly
accepted
Hanafi
jurisprudence.
Supported by the state, Hanafi influence grew stronger
in the region. Maqdisi notes that the Samanids favored
the Hanafi madhhab, selecting the most learned faqih
in Bukhara to issue fatwas, resolve disputes, and even
appoint officials based on his rulings. Thus, from
Maq
disi’s descriptions, it is clear that by the 4th/10th
century, the number of cities in the region where
Hanafi jurisprudence was not widespread was very
limited.
Starting from the late 3rd/9th century, the spread of
the Shafi’i madhhab became noticeable in
the region.
Maqdisi emphasizes that during his time, Shafi’is were
increasingly prevalent in Bukhara, Sinj, Dandanaqan,
Isfara, and Juvayn, where they practiced according to
their jurisprudential tradition. He also notes a
significant presence of Shafi’is
in the cities of Herat,
Sijistan, Sarakhs, and Marvayn. In these places, both
Hanafi and Shafi’i qazis (judges) operated. Shafi’i
khatibs (preachers) were also found in Nishapur and
other cities mentioned. Until the late 3rd/9th century,
qazis in Khorasan were almost exclusively Hanafi; from
that time, Shafi’i qazis began to be appointed as well,
indicating the growing influence of the Shafi’i
madhhab. The intensification of Shafi’i influence was
linked to political developments following the Mihna
(Inquis
ition) during Ma’mun’s reign. Caliph Mutawakkil
(232
–
246/847
–
861) promoted the revival of hadith
studies and Sunnah, which favored the Shafi’i faction,
known for its hadith-oriented jurisprudence.
The rise of Shafi’i influence in predominantly Hanafi
regions led to conflicts between the two madhhabs.
Maqdisi reports significant clashes between Hanafi and
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Shafi’i adherents in regions such as Sijistan and Sarakhs,
which forced the government to intervene periodically.
The sectarian divisions were often aligned with large
families adopting different madhhabs, and the rivalry
between these families further exacerbated religious
conflicts. For instance, in Sijistan, the conflict was
between the Hanafi Samakiyya family and the Shafi’i
Sadakiyya family, while in Sarakhs it was between the
Hanafi Arusiyya and the Shafi’i Ahliyya families. Thus, in
addition to religious fanaticism, social and economic
competition among influential families striving to
establish political control contributed to the
intensification of sectarian disputes.
Another significant sect widely spread in the Maqdisi
and Khorasan region is the Karromiyya. The Karromiyya
is a sect centered around Muhammad ibn Karrom al-
Sijistani (d. 255/869), distinguished by its ascetic
tendencies, which was established in Khorasan and
Transoxiana. During Muhammad ibn Karrom’s lifetime,
his followers rapidly increased in number across
Khorasan and Transoxiana. Notably, it gained
widespread popularity among the rural population and
the lower social strata, thereby forming a strong social
base. The Karromiyya were not confined solely to
Khorasan; as previously mentioned, they also exerted
influence in Sham (Greater Syria) and Egypt. In the
4th/10th century, Nishapur is identified as the center
of the Karromiyya. Maqdisi reports that half of
Nishapur’s population belonged to the Karromiyya.
Moreover, the Karromiyya formed the majority in
Herat and Gurj al-Shar (Georgia). In Fergana, Khuttal,
Juzjan, Marv, and Samarkand, there were khanqahs
affiliated with the Karromiyya. Maqdisi also provides
information regarding sectarian conflicts involving the
Karromiyya. He notes disputes between the Shia and
the Karromiyya in Nishapur, and between the
Karromiyya and the Amaliyya group in Herat. However,
it is not entirely clear which group is specifically
referred to by the term "Amaliyya" in this context.
Nevertheless,
as
Bosworth
emphasizes,
their
designation as "Amaliyya" may stem from their
opposition to the Karromiyya regarding practical
matters. The Karromiyya defined faith (īmān) solely as
verbal confession and affirmation, rejecting the
acceptance of faith as a matter of the heart. Thus, it can
be hypothesized that "Amaliyya" refers to those groups
that rejected the Karromiyya’s view and considered
deeds as an integral part of faith. One of the sects that
opposed the Karromiyya’s rejection of including deeds
within the definition of faith was the Ahl al-Hadith.
Considering that Shafi‘ite scholars belonging to the Ahl
al-Hadith tradition were present in Herat, it is plausible
to assume that these conflicts occurred between the
Shafi‘ites and the Karromiyya. However, opposition to
the Karromiyya’s perspective should not be restricted
to a single sect; rather, it is more accurate to assert that
differences existed between the Karromiyya and
various groups that considered their stance on faith
erroneous.
According to Maqdisi, another sect present in Khorasan
and Transoxiana was the Shia sect. Shi‘ism entered the
Jibal region through Arabs migrating from Kufa to Qom,
and gradually spread towards Khorasan. The
supporters of Ali, who escaped from the Umayyad
dynasty and failed to gain a positive outcome under the
Abbasid caliphate, thus being politically marginalized,
shaped the presence of Shi‘ism in this region. These
groups did not participate in all rebellion movements
and can be characterized as moderate Shi‘a factions.
Their activity had a significant influence on the region.
Additionally, from the 3rd/9th century onwards, the
Zaydiyyah sect also gained prominence in Khorasan.
Alon
gside Zaydiyyah, Ismaili missionaries’ activities
began spreading from the late 3rd/9th century.
Especially during the reign of Nasr ibn Ahmad (301
–
331/914
–943), Ismailism’s influence increased in
Khorasan, with many amirs accepting the Ismaili
da‘wah. Alo
ngside the growth of Ismaili influence at the
court, the movement was also embraced by the
populace, resulting in the widespread dissemination of
Ismailism. However, during the rule of the Samanid
ruler Nuh ibn Nasr (331
–
343/943
–
954), circumstances
changed, and a campaign against the Ismailis began.
Amirs who accepted Ismaili da‘wah were punished, and
many Ismailis in the region faced massacres. Following
this, the Ismailis retained their presence only in
secrecy.
In the 4th/10th century, Shi‘ism was widely
spread in
Nishapur, where Maqdisi notes that half the population
was Shia. Frequent clashes occurred in Nishapur
between the Sunni Karromiyya and the Shi‘a. Shi‘a
communities were also present in Raqqada, located in
the Kuhistan region. Thus, it is evident that in the
4th/10th century, the regions of Khorasan and
Transoxiana comprised various sects including Hanafi,
Shafi‘i, Karromiyya, Kharijiyya, and to some extent,
Shi‘ism. Furthermore, groups affiliated with the
Mu‘tazila and Jahmiyya sects also existe
d, though they
formed a minority compared to the other sects.
Transoxiana is defined as a region located east of Tibet,
south of the cities of Khorasan, west of Guz and Qarluq,
and north of Qarluq, situated along the upper course of
the Jayhun River. Its important centers include Fergana,
Isbjab, Chach, Ustrushana, Sogd, and Bukhara. The
territories of Huttal and Khwarezm were also
considered part of Transoxiana. Among the major cities
of the region, Samarkand is recognized as the central
city of Sogd. Although Transoxiana is generally
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regarded as part of the larger Khorasan territory, it was
acknowledged as a distinct geographical entity.
Historical sources describe Transoxiana as one of the
most significant, fertile, pure, and blessed regions on
earth. Scientifically, it was highly praised as a center
where devout and steadfast believers resided,
righteous scholars and jurists flourished, and the
Islamic religion was particularly honored in this area.
Bukhara is one of the most important centers within
Transoxiana. Ibn Hawqal emphasized that he had never
seen a more beautiful city than Bukhara in the Islamic
world and noted that the people of Bukhara excelled
other Khorasan inhabitants in manners, knowledge,
jurisprudence, piety, trustworthiness, good conduct,
sincerity, and purity of heart. Similar to the Khorasan
and Transoxiana regions, Hanafi jurisprudence was
widely practiced in Bukhara. Maqdisi recorded that in
the villages and towns of Bukhara, the ideas of Abu
Hanifa were followed. It is known that most jurists in
Bukhara adhered to the Hanafi school. Scholars who
studied under Abu Hanifa and his disciples were
instrumental in the widespread dissemination of Hanafi
thought in Bukhara. Maqdisi also noted the beginning
of Shafi‘i jurisprudence's spread i
n the region alongside
Hanafi beliefs. Each individual followed their respective
madhhab (legal school). Maqdisi cited the population
of Saganiyan, a town under Bukhara, as Sunni,
illustrating the Sunni demographic in the region. While
Maqdisi provided detailed descriptions of madhhab
conflicts in Khorasan cities, he did not explicitly
elaborate on the situation in Transoxiana beyond a few
mentions. However, given his indication of sectarian
tensions in nearly all Khorasan cities, it can be inferred
that similar madhhab conflicts existed in Transoxiana.
Maqdisi’s accounts of disorder and strong sectarian
sentiment in Nasaf, which is part of Bukhara's territory,
support this inference.
Samarkand, like Bukhara, was among the principal
centers of Transoxiana. Due to its status as a scholarly
hub, geographical scholars praised Samarkand highly.
Maqdisi described Samarkand as a city unparalleled in
the science of usul (principles of Islamic jurisprudence).
The region hosted various scholarly assemblies and
vibrant intellectual activities. According to Maqdisi,
Sunni doctrines dominated in Samarkand as well.
Although geographical texts do not offer extensive
information on the madhhab situation in Samarkand, it
is known that the Hanafi school formed the majority
during this period, similar to the broader Transoxiana
context. The influence of Shafi‘i jurisprudence is also
evident through the presence of Shafi‘i scholars in the
area. Maqdisi noted the existence of a khanaqah (Sufi
lodge) affiliated with the Karromiyah sect in
Samarkand, indicating that Karromiyah followers
represented a minority. Like many Khorasan cities,
Maqdisi reported sectarian tensions in Samarkand. The
Hanafi majority is understood to have developed
sectarian sensitivities to preserve their status against
the influx of other madhhabs.
A particularly notable issue related to Samarkand is the
fact that Abu Mansur al-Maturidi (d. 333 AH / 944 CE),
the founder of the Maturidiyya school, was born and
raised in the village of Maturid, affiliated with
Samarkand. Both Ibn Hawqal and Maqdisi visited the
region after his death, but did not provide information
about him. Although al-Maturidi was a prominent
scholar of his time who produced profound theological
works surpassing his contemporaries, his ideas were
insufficiently represented or further developed by
subsequent generations. His theological views
remained underdeveloped until the second half of the
5th/11th century, and similarly, little information about
his life and scholarly persona has been preserved in
sources. The absence of al-
Maturidi’s mention in
geographical texts can be regarded as a reflection of
this neglect. Nevertheless, it must be emphasized that
the widespread Hanafi tradition in Transoxiana and the
Ahl al-
Ra’y school played a signifi
cant role both in the
formation of al-
Maturidi’s ideas and in the rapid spread
of his doctrines in the region from the 5th/11th century
onwards.
Apart from Bukhara and Samarkand, according to
Maqdisi’s information, the population of Shash was
Sunni. The residents of the Shash center were
contentious and strict in their madhhab, and sectarian
tensions were present. In the city of Qadar in Isbijab,
followers of the Ashab al-Hadith sect were found. Like
in Samarkand, khanaqahs affiliated with the
Karromiyah sect existed in Fergana and Huttal as well.
At the same time, al-Maqdisi draws attention to the
presence of various groups within the region. He notes
the existence of groups in rural areas known as the
"Bayz as-Siyab," whose views were close to heresy.
These were supporters of al-Muqanna (d. 161/778).
The term "Mubayyiza" was also used to describe al-
Muqanna’s movement. While the Abbasids wore black
garments, the insurgents wore white robes, hence the
origin of this designation. Al-Muqanna initially claimed
prophethood and later asserted divinity, inviting
people to adopt his creed. He achieved partial success
and garnered numerous followers, especially in rural
areas, where his ideas spread widely. According to
Narshakhi’s account, Bunyat ibn Tugshod, a rule
r of
Bukhara, was inclined toward al-Muqanna and was
consequently executed in 166/783. This fact indicates
that the movement influenced not only the rural
populace but also certain rulers. After the Muqanna
followers initiated a rebellion, the authorities
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intervened and suppressed the uprising around
166/783 with al-
Muqanna’s death. Nevertheless, his
adherents continued their activities in the countryside.
Al-Maqdisi openly acknowledges their continued
presence in the region and describes their views as
close to heresy, expressing a negative assessment of
them. Similarly, al-Baghdadi (d. 429/1037) reports that
in his time, Muqanna’s followers still existed near the
Ablak Mountains close to Shash and were considered
among the most despised groups by the local
population.
Another group residing in the rural areas of
Transoxiana accepted the doctrines of Abdullah al-
Sarakhsi. Al-Maqdisi describes them as ascetics
(zuhhad). Additionally, the presence of Jahmiyya
supporters in Termez and Qadariyya followers in
Kundur city is attested. The Jahmiyya sect, founded by
Jahm ibn Safwan (d. 128/745), who lived in Khorasan,
propagated his ideas primarily in this region. Followers
of his teachings continued to exist in the area even in
the 4th/10th century.
The analysis of
medieval Muslim geographers’ works —
notably those of al-Istakhri, Ibn Hawqal, and al-Maqdisi
—
provides rich information about the political-
territorial
organization,
religious-ideological
environment, and intellectual life of Khorasan and
Transoxiana in the 4th/10th century. These sources
portray these regions not only as large geopolitical
entities of strategic importance but also as leading
scientific centers where Islamic sciences flourished.
Descriptions by these geographers indicate that cities
such as Nishapur, Marv, Bukhara, Samarqand, among
others, were not only political-administrative centers
but also important hubs of jurisprudential and
theological schools. Al-Maqdisi especially draws
attention to religious diversity, noting the presence of
Han
afi and Shafi’i madhhabs in Khorasan, while Hanafi
jurisprudence prevailed as the dominant school in
Transoxiana.
Discussions reveal that geographical texts reflect not
only the spatial-strategic status of the region but also
its internal social and religious dynamics. Through the
information provided by the geographers, the diversity
of the scientific and cultural milieu that developed in
Khorasan and Transoxiana during the 4th/10th century
and their role in the history of the Islamic world are
clearly illustrated.
In conclusion, the following points can be emphasized:
1.
Works of Muslim geographers serve as
historical-geographical sources that are crucial for
studying the scientific, doctrinal, and political
conditions of the region.
2.
Khorasan and Transoxiana in the 4th/10th
century had emerged as centers of science and
religious thought, a fact thoroughly illuminated by the
geographers.
3.
These texts provide an opportunity to examine
religious diversity, social structure, and regional
identity issues in their historical context.
CONCLUSIONS
In conclusion, it can be stated that in the 4th/10th
century, Hanafi Sunni Islam was predominant in
Transoxiana, alongside minority groups belonging to
other madhhabs. Although Istakhri and Ibn Hawqal
devoted extensive attention to the Khorasan and
Transoxiana regions in their works, it is noteworthy
that they did not provide sufficient information about
the madhhabs and inter-madhhab relations in the
region. In this regard, it is primarily Maqdisi’s accounts
that shed light on the madhhab situation in the region.
Similar to other regions, the focus in Khorasan and
Transoxiana was mainly on the fiqh madhhabs of
Hanafi and Shafi‘i. However, it is not accurate to
evaluate Hanafi and Shafi‘i only as fiqh madhhabs
during this period. In this region, Hanafi represented
the Ahl al-
Ra’y orientation and was closely related to
the Murji‘a, whereas Shafi‘i spread mainly within the
Ashab al-Hadith milieu and was also connected
doctrinally to this group. Therefore, the existence of
Hanafi and Shafi‘i madhhabs in the region must be
understood not only as legal schools but also as
currents reflecting theological aspects.
Although 4th/10th-century Muslim geographers
described Khorasan and Transoxiana as distinct
political and cultural units, the close scientific, cultural,
and religious interconnectedness of these regions is
manifested. In particular, Maqdisi’s data not only
clarifies the geographic and political map of these areas
but also precisely outlines their religious-madhhab
composition. The scientific flourishing during the
Samanid era, the inter-city scholarly connections, and
the inter-madhhab relations created a foundation for
intellectual and cultural development in the region.
Simultaneously, the presence of movements such as
the Khawarij and their military-political activities
constituted an important factor in shaping the history
of these regions. This study demonstrates the place of
the region in historical-geographical thought and
reveals the significance of Khorasan and Transoxiana in
the Islamic scholarly heritage.
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