Authors

  • Mirjalol Murtozaev O‘tkirjon o‘g‘li
    Third-year student at the University of World Economy and Diplomacy, Junior Research Fellow at the IAIS, Uzbekistan

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.37547/ijhps/Volume05Issue03-08

Keywords:

Central Asia Taliban Airitom Free Zone

Abstract

This paper explores the transition from defensive realism to constructivist policies in Uzbekistan’s approach toward Afghanistan, analysing the driving factors behind this shift and its implications for regional stability. By examining key historical moments, policy decisions, and emerging trends, it provides insight into how Uzbekistan’s foreign policy has adapted to meet the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century.


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International Journal Of History And Political Sciences

34

https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps

VOLUME

Vol.05 Issue03 2025

PAGE NO.

34-39

DOI

10.37547/ijhps/Volume05Issue03-08



Understanding the relations between Uzbekistan and
Afghanistan: from defensive realism to constructivist
policy in the period of 1991-2024

Mirjalol Murtozaev O‘tkirjon o‘g‘li

Third-year student at the University of World Economy and Diplomacy, Junior Research Fellow at the IAIS, Uzbekistan

Received:

29 January 2025;

Accepted:

28 February 2025;

Published:

31 March 2025

Abstract:

This paper explores the transition from defensive realism to constructivist policies in Uzbekistan’s

approach toward Afghanistan, analysing the driving factors behind this shift and its implications for regional
stability. By examining key historical moments, policy decisions, and emerging trends, it provides insight into how

Uzbekistan’s foreign policy has adapted to meet the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century

.

Keywords:

Central Asia, Taliban, Airitom Free Zone, realism, constructivism, Trans-Afghan corridor.

Introduction:

The relationship between Afghanistan

and Uzbekistan has historically been shaped by
geographical proximity, cultural ties, and shared
security concerns. Over the decades, this relationship
has evolved under the influence of shifting geopolitical
dynamics, regional challenges, and changes in domestic
policies. Initially characterized by defensive realism,
where Uzbekistan prioritized securing its borders and
minimizing external threats from Afghanistan, recent
years have seen a gradual shift toward a more
constructivist approach, emphasizing cooperation,
mutual understanding, and regional integration.
Defensive realism, rooted in the idea of self-

preservation and power balancing, guided Uzbekistan’s

policies toward Afghanistan during periods of
instability, particularly following the Soviet withdrawal

and the rise of the Taliban in the 1990s. Uzbekistan’s

strategies during this time focused on fortifying
borders, limiting spillover effects of conflict, and
maintaining a defensive posture to safeguard its
sovereignty. However, as regional dynamics have
evolved, Tashkent has increasingly recognized the
importance of engaging with Afghanistan through
dialogue, development initiatives, and multilateral
frameworks. This shift aligns with constructivist
principles, where ideas, norms, and identities play a

central role in shaping foreign policy. Uzbekistan’s

renewed approach seeks to foster stability in

Afghanistan

through

economic

cooperation,

infrastructure projects, and cultural exchange,
reflecting

a

deeper

understanding

of

the

interconnectedness between peace and regional
prosperity.

Theoretical Framework. Defensive Realism

First, before understanding defensive realism, it is
necessary to understand the essence of realism. John
Mearsheimer, one of the most prominent academic
realists today, cites five fundamental rules of realism
the international system is anarchic. States, by nature,
have offensive military capabilities and the ability to
harm or destroy each other. No state can ever be sure
that another state will not use its offensive military
capabilities. The primary motive that governs states is
survival. It argues that states are instrumentally
rational. Realism is a complex and diverse family of
views, theories, and arguments that are routinely
applied in international relations. Two main strands of
realism are widely prevalent today. Firstly, offensive
realism mainly advanced by John Mearsheimer, holds
that states seek to increase their power because they
can never be sure that current friendly states will not
oppose them in the future. Another one is defensive
realism, mainly associated with Kenneth Waltz, argues
that rational states in anarchy are primarily concerned
with maintaining (not improving) their relative power.


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Mearsheimer considers offensive realism to be the best
or most authentic form of realism. However, most
modern realists (and indeed all non-realists) see this as
an empirical rather than a theoretical matter. Some
states are, in fact, status quo powers. Others are
revisionists. How many generations can a defensive
realist world of status quo great powers (safe from
revisionist states that seek to continually improve their
positions) develop (for example, in Europe over the

century following Napoleon’s defeat in 1815)? Here, it

is shown that defensive realism emphasizes the state
as the primary and attempts to minimize obstacles in
an anarchic international system. It advocates
balancing strategies that emphasize the maximum
power of the dominant powers without creating
alliances that diverge from realism. In particular, after
World War II, this defensive realism determined the
organizational policies of many states. Then, after the
war, the dissolution of the Soviet Union also broke out,
with the main goal of preserving and protecting the
sovereignty of the breakaway states. It is precisely the
Central Asian states that have acted on the principle of
preserving their territorial integrity and non-
interference in the internal affairs of other states. Such
factors, in the context of Uzbekistan, explain the

country’s initial focus on border security and

minimizing the spread of instability from Afghanistan.

Constructivism

In the process of understanding the emergence of
certain political schools, it can be witnessed that the
appearance of these schools mostly based on the
historical context. Many events that occurred in
International Relations in the 20th century, in turn,
created the basis for the widespread spread of several
political schools in the world. Consequently, after the
Cold War, major changes occurred in the theory of
international relations. It became clear that classical
theories such as realism and liberalism were not
flexible enough to explain new events and trends in the
international system. In this context, the theory of
constructivism clearly demonstrated that interstate
relations are formed not only on the basis of power and
economic interests, but also through ideas, beliefs,
culture, identity and social constructions. It was also
seen that the national identity and interests of states
are in a state of flux. For example, the process of
integration of Central and Eastern European countries
from the communist system to the West has
fundamentally changed the political orientations of the
court identity and organization. In these processes, the
importance of trust, historical memory and normative
norms of states in each other is demonstrated. The
ideas of realism and liberalism, the system of
democracy, and the stability of the United States, such

as the system of democracy, are accepted by any state
based on its own views and what is suitable for it, and
states can determine their position in international
relations under any circumstances, and if the time
comes, they can change it to another. Alexander
Wendt, one of the founders of constructivism, in his

book called “Anarchy is What States Make of it: The
Social Construction of Power Politics”, explains the

anarchic nature of the international system as a social
construction of states and lists several of its
manifestations. In this, criticizing realism and
liberalism, they consider it wrong to see anarchy as a
permanent and unchanging state. Constructivism, on
the other hand, explains anarchy as a problem that is
shaped by the mutual expectations and problems of
states. States and their identities are shaped by how
they relate to each other. For example, if states see
each other as adversaries, the international system will
be more stable. Realism sees anarchy as fixed and
permanent. This ignores the social role of states.
Liberalism, on the other hand, focuses on cooperation
and interdependence, but does not fully understand
the importance of norms and powers that organize the
international system. Constructivism, on the other
hand, offers a broader view of the changing role of
norms and anarchy in the international system. That is,

anarchy is not natural, but is “created” by states. In his
book “The World of Our Making”, Nicholas Onuf

explained the role of social construction in the
international system. Nicholas Onuf was the first

scholar to widely use the term “constructivism” in

international relations and to formalize the scientific
picture, turning it into a modern theoretical school. To
give a few real-life examples of his views, let us
consider the relations between China and the United
States, where the two countries continue to develop
economic relations, even though they are considered
to be the ruling powers in the global system. According
to constructivism, the economic integration of China
and the United States is based on the rules of
engagement and trade between them. The division and
reunification of Germany (1949-1990) was divided into
two states, East and West Germany, for almost 40
years. After the end of the Cold War, these states were
peacefully reunited. According to constructivism: The
division of Germany into East and West was the result
of ideological and identity constructions in the
international system (socialism and capitalism). The
unification is associated with the strengthening of
international norms and peace-based powers.
Constructivism allows us to analyse interstate relations
not only in terms of power and interests, but also in
terms of ideas and normative systems. This theory
emphasizes the dynamic and fluid nature of the
international

system,

leading

to

a

deeper


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understanding of the interdependence of states and
the desire for cooperation, and the constant presence
of ideas, identities, cultures, and beliefs in social life,
shaping interests. Also, the flexible and dynamic nature
of constructivism simplifies its application in the system
of international relations.

Background

During the presidency of Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan’s

foreign policy towards Afghanistan was based on
absolute defensive realism. This approach was shaped
by the complex security situation in the region, in
particular, the Taliban threat, drug trafficking, and
terrorism. During the years of independence,
Uzbekistan was seriously threatened by the rise of the
Taliban in the 1990s and the capture of Kabul in 1996.
Islam Karimov took strong security measures on the
Afghan border, and the borders were completely
closed. Therefore, I. Karimov made the prevention of
regional terrorism his main goal. He considered the
Taliban, as well as extremist groups such as the Islamic
Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), to be the main threat
to security. To combat this, he did not intervene
directly in Afghanistan's internal affairs, but actively
participated in the fight against regional terrorism after
joining the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
On July 19-

20, 1999, the next meeting of the “6Q2”

group on Afghanistan was held in Tashkent under the
auspices of the UN. It was attended by delegations of
the member countries of the group - at the level of
deputy foreign ministers, and the UN Secretary-
General's Special Envoy for Afghanistan, Lakhdar
Brahimi. At the end of the meeting, the "Tashkent
Declaration" was signed on the main principles of
resolving the conflict in Afghanistan. After the US began
military operations in Afghanistan in 2001, Uzbekistan
strengthened its borders to protect itself from threats

associated with the Taliban. Karimov’s foreign policy

was based on the principle of non-interference in the
internal political affairs of Afghanistan. He maintained
minimal diplomatic relations with the legitimate
government of Afghanistan, only to ensure stability and
security. In 2001, Islam Karimov supported the U.S.
counterterrorism strategy and allowed the U.S. military
to use the Termez military base. According to him:

“Instability

in Afghanistan poses a direct threat to the

security of Uzbekistan. We must use all possibilities to

ensure peace in the region.”

At the 2008 Shanghai Cooperation Organization
summit: I. Karimov noted the situation in Afghanistan
as a key problem for the security of Central Asia. He
assessed the Taliban threat as a threat to global

security. “Afghanistan will not be stabilized by military

force alone, we must develop regional economic

cooperation,” Karimov said. In 2011, the Termez

-

Mazar-e-Sharif railway resumed its operations. This
served to deliver humanitarian aid to Afghanistan and
develop trade. Although Uzbek-Afghan relations during
the time of Islam Karimov were mainly based on
defensive realism, economic and humanitarian
assistance initiatives also played an important role.
Karimov saw the threats in Afghanistan as a direct
threat to national security and supported international
cooperation in this matter. In addition to establishing
deep political ties with the government of Ashraf
Ghani, attention was paid primarily to developing
regional dialogue. This foreign policy was associated
with a number of problems that arose at the time:
corruption, weak governance, and division among
political factions. There were also external threats.
These included the rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan,
the emergence of ISIS-K, and the ongoing violence
throughout the country. In 2017, at the initiative of
Shavkat Mirziyoyev, an international conference was
organized in Tashkent on regional security and the fight
against terrorism. Ashraf Ghani emphasized the need
for close cooperation with Uzbekistan in the trade,
economic and security spheres. This meeting marked
the beginning of a new era of relations. Accordingly, on
September 10, 2017, at the conference in Kazakhstan,
Ashraf Ghani and Shavkat Mirziyoyev held a separate
meeting. During the conversation, the head of
Uzbekistan proposed to establish an educational centre
for training Afghan citizens in the city of Termez, and
on November 13 of the same year, the centre began its
activities with the visit of the President. This indicates

that Uzbekistan’s foreign policy has taken a step

towards establishing pragmatic, constructive and good-
neighbourly relations with Afghanistan. In addition, in
2016, the Termez Cargo Centre complex was opened in
the city of Termez. It has been carrying out a number of
tasks, including customs clearance, cargo manoeuvring,
import-export and transit cargo storage, including
customs and terminal storage, as well as intermodal
transport, rail and road transport, and processing
transit cargo to and from Afghanistan. Such projects
have laid the foundation for the next stage of relations
between the two countries. The work carried out,
based on realism but in terms of ethnic and cultural
proximity, has become a sign of constructivism. It has
contributed to achieving stability in Afghanistan
through initiatives aimed at economic cooperation.

The Taliban’s rise to power in Afghanistan in August

2021 required the consideration of a number of issues
between the two countries, and indeed between the
countries of Central Asia as a whole. Uzbekistan did not
officially recognize the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan,
but continued to maintain neighbourly and diplomatic
relations. Among other things, meetings with Taliban


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representatives were held in Tashkent, and many
ministerial meetings were held and are still taking place

in Kabul. With the Taliban’s coming to power,

Uzbekistan was forced to move from realism to
constructivism in its foreign policy. Uzbekistan
established functional relations with the Taliban. The
main goal is to prevent possible threats from
Afghanistan and ensure stability in the region. In 2022,
the Uzbek government held talks with Taliban
representatives in Termez and discussed border
security and humanitarian assistance. Uzbekistan pays
special attention to developing economic cooperation
with Afghanistan. In this process, the integration of
Afghanistan into the regional economic network has
been identified as a priority. In particular, the Termez-
Mazar-e-Sharif-Kabul-Peshawar railway project is being
discussed with the Taliban government and is expected
to serve to strengthen trade relations between Central
Asia and South Asia. Uzbekistan also continues to
export electricity to Afghanistan. After the Taliban
came to power, the economic and social crisis in
Afghanistan deepened. In this situation, Uzbekistan
regularly supplies food, medicine and other necessary
humanitarian aid to Afghanistan through Termez. Also,
in late 2021, Uzbekistan, in cooperation with the UN,
established a centre for coordinating international
assistance to Afghanistan.

In 2021, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s speech at the
UN General Assembly: “The new situation in

Afghanistan poses complex challenges for us. But we
can achieve stability by involving this country in

regional integration processes.” At the “International
Conference on Afghanistan” held in Tashkent in 2022,

Uzbekistan discussed specific measures to include
Afghanistan in regional trade and infrastructure

projects. Mirziyoyev: “If Afghanistan becomes a

peaceful and stable state, it will serve the development

of the entire region.” Shavkat Mirziyoyev touches on
the goal of dialogue with the Taliban: “We seek to

develop friendly and pragmatic relations with
Afghanistan. This is necessary not only for regional

security, but also for economic stability.” With the

emergence of the Taliban government, Uzbekistan has
shifted its policy towards constructivism. This policy is
aimed at ensuring regional security and strengthening
economic ties. By engaging with the Taliban and
developing economic cooperation, Uzbekistan has
chosen a pragmatic and realistic approach to protect its
national interests and contribute to regional stability.

Analysis.

From 1990 to 2016, the administration’s stance was

defensive realism

. Basic principle: Uzbekistan adopted

a defensive realist stance in response to the internal
turmoil and terrorist threats of the Ashraf Ghani-led

Afghan government. Strengthening security measures
was its primary objective. The threat of terrorist groups
entering Afghanistan was prevented by strengthening
border control. Extremist organizations like the Taliban
and ISIS-K (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant -
Khorasan Province) were stopped from spreading.
Additionally, a multilateral strategy was used. Under
the auspices of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO), Uzbekistan backed group efforts to maintain
regional stability. By refraining from direct political
interference. Attention was paid to non-interference in

Afghanistan’s internal political affairs and external

support for stability.

Politics during the Taliban government. Transition to
constructivism.

With the Taliban seizing power in 2021, the political
situation changed dramatically. This forced Uzbekistan
to adopt a new approach. With the Taliban coming to
power, the issue of political stability in Afghanistan
became uncertain. This created security threats for
Central Asian countries, in particular Uzbekistan. The
strategy of dialogue with the Taliban has become
important in controlling problems such as terrorism,
drug trafficking, and illegal migration. Continuing
dialogue with the Taliban is interpreted as a pragmatic

approach to Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. This is not

seen

as a recognition of the political situation, but as an act
aimed at protecting regional security and economic
interests. Uzbekistan has tried to ensure stability in
Afghanistan by acting as a mediator in the international
community. Uzbekistan continues its efforts to develop
regional trade and economic ties with Afghanistan. The
Termez-Mazar-e-Sharif-Kabul-Peshawar

railway

project, which was agreed upon with the Taliban
government, will help integrate Afghanistan into the
Central Asian and South Asian economic system. At the
same time, Uzbekistan is supplying food, medicine, and

energy to support Afghanistan’s fragile economy.

Weaknesses:

Despite

positive

connections,

Uzbekistan’s security may be at risk due to the Taliban
government’s erratic policie

s. demands keeping a

careful balance between communication and security.

Generally speaking, Uzbekistan’s approach to

Afghanistan has changed considerably throughout
time. The constructivist approach has evolved as a
policy aiming at long-term regional stability and
cooperation, whereas the realist phase was focused on

maintaining Uzbekistan’s security. Uzbekistan is

safeguarding its national interests and assisting
Afghanistan's absorption into the international system
by engaging in discussion with the Taliban.
Weaknesses: Long-term cooperation opportunities
have not been exploited. The ties necessary for regional
economic development have not been sufficiently


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developed. Constructivism (Taliban era). Active
diplomatic relations with the Taliban serve to
strengthen stability. Economic cooperation and cultural
ties increase trust and help regional integration.

CONCLUSION

Uzbekistan’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan has

undergone two significant changes in recent years. The
first phase began in 1991, during the end of the Ashraf
Ghani administration (1991-2021), when Uzbekistan
emphasized security and transformed the US approach
into a defensive realist policy. Border strengthening
and security issues were addressed within multilateral
organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization (SCO), and the threat of internal
insurgency and terrorism in Afghanistan was prevented
from harming Central Asia. Uzbekistan kept its policy of
non-interference in domestic affairs bleak with regard
to Afghanistan during this period. The military power
takeover of the Taliban over Afghanistan in 2021
signified major changes in the political map and called

for alterations in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. Talks with

the Taliban inspired Uzbekistan to initiate action on
constructivist principles. This period witnessed

Uzbekistan’s immovable policy of non

-involvement in

Afghanistan’s internal affairs. The takeover of

Afghanistan by the Taliban in 2021 meant a drastic
change in the political landscape, requiring changes in

the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The Taliban’s talks

inspired Uzbekistan to act upon constructivist
principles. Uzbekistan established diplomatic ties with
the Taliban and adopted a strategy to secure its borders
and promote regional stability, albeit without formally

recognizing

the

Taliban

regime.

Uzbekistan’s

constructive approach has been enriched by a number
of initiatives aimed at developing economic and
regional ties. In particular, the Termez-Mazar-e Sharif-
Kabul-Peshawar railway project has become an
important step towards regional economic integration.
In addition, the Trans-Afghan Corridor is also one of the
key projects today. If this project is implemented,
Uzbekistan will have access to the sea and will have
access to cheap trade services, and trade relations with

the world will expand significantly. Afghanistan’s

economic growth will also increase significantly.
Uzbekistan has also provided electricity, food and
humanitarian aid to the people of Afghanistan. This
policy is aimed at mitigating instability in the region and
supporting the Afghan economy. The differences
between the policies of these two periods clearly
demonstrate the practical application of realism and
constructivism. While realism from 1990 to 2016 was
successful in ensuring security, it did not exploit the
potential for long-term economic and regional
cooperation. Constructivism during the Taliban era

focused on building trust through developing economic
and cultural ties. It is clear that the Afghan people have
developed a sense of familiarity with Uzbekistan and
created bonds of friendship with it. Constructive
approaches, indeed, bear fruit. The Airitom Free Zone,
which has also for years enjoyed such use, is quite the
manifest evidence of such.

The Afghan market was highly free there, and they
engaged in very high-quality buying and selling. The

goal of Uzbekistan’s future policy toward Afghanistan

will be to ensure sustained development by managing
security and economic cooperation in a balanced
manner. New possibilities may arise from chances for
regional integration, international cooperation, and
expanding commercial connections. Nevertheless, the
erratic actions and perilous threats posed by the
Taliban regime could still create potentially fatal
complications for Uzbekistan. In all likelihood, such
prudential foreign policy of Uzbekistan testifies to its
ability to adapt itself to changing situations in the
region. Uzbekistan, therefore, besides guard its
security, contributes actively in preserving the regional
peace in Central Asia by combining its economic and
security goals. This makes Uzbekistan a reliable and
responsible actor.

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