Volume 15 Issue 05, June 2025
Impact factor: 2019: 4.679 2020: 5.015 2021: 5.436, 2022: 5.242, 2023:
6.995, 2024 7.75
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498
THE SINGAPORE MODEL IN THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION:
AUTHORITARIAN MODERNISM, MERITOCRACY, AND THE NATIONAL
DISCIPLINE PHILOSOPHY
Temirov Humoyunmirzo Najmiddinovich
Researcher at Andijan State University
E-mail: humoyunmirzo.temirov.82@mail.ru
Annotation:
According to this article, the Singaporean development model is among the most
sophisticated and stable examples of Asian authoritarian modernism. Through social discipline,
meritocracy, and strong centralised governance, the model was able to strike a balance between
economic growth and social stability. Particularly in light of the evolution of contemporary
postcolonial cultures, the examination of this concept within the context of social philosophy is
highly pertinent.
Keywords:
education, system, corruption, legal, moral, socio-philosophical, crime.
Through meritocracy, strong centralised administration, and social discipline, the Singapore
model of development—one of the most stable and intricate expressions of Asian authoritarian
modernism—managed to maintain social stability and economic progress in society. Particularly
with regard to the evolution of contemporary postcolonial nations, the examination of this
concept within the context of social philosophy is highly pertinent. In addition to being an
effective example of economic modernisation, Singapore's experience has helped to establish a
new paradigm for reformatting the ontological relationship between the state and society.
Meritocracy in Singapore is seen not only as a social elevator, but also as a criterion of social
justice. In this system, the rise in the social pyramid through individual work and intelligence is
institutionally ensured, which in turn strengthens the hope for advancement in society, rather
than social discontent. However, this approach leads to the assessment of society only on the
basis of the “criterion of efficiency”, and as a result, the needs of socially vulnerable groups may
be ignored. From a critical point of view, P. Bourdieu interprets this application of meritocracy
as the reproduction of social “cultural capital”, which sanctifies social stratification
(Bourdieu,
1977, s. 95).
Authoritarian modernism is a political system that values effective governance over
democracy. In Singapore, this is particularly evident in the state paradigm led by Lee Kuan Yew,
which is characterized by the slogan “authoritarianism for the people, not against the people.”
This approach guarantees economic development at the expense of paternalistic control over
society and the restriction of the political will of citizens. As S. Huntington has argued, “strong
authoritarian stability is preferable to modernized but unstable democratic systems.”
(Huntington, 2004, s. 112). However, this idea has been criticized by J. Habermas, who argues
1
Bourdieu, P. (1977). Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage. – B. 95.
2
Huntington, S. (2004). Political Order in Changing Societies. Moskva: Progress-Traditsiya. – B. 112.
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499
that legitimacy should be ensured not only through economic success, but also through
communicative consent.
(Habermas, 1996, s. 214).
National discipline, on the other hand, forms the humanitarian foundation of Singaporean social
life. It is integrated with the historical memory of the nation and the Confucian social order,
reinforcing the concepts of collective consciousness, social responsibility and loyalty to the state.
In this approach, members of society prioritize not their own "me", but "we". In particular, based
on Confucianism and Eastern social harmony, discipline takes the form of a "moral order",
which also strengthens political legitimacy
(Bell, 2015, s. 67). But under the guise of such
moralized discipline, civil liberties and critical thinking can be eroded. Critically, discipline in
the Singapore model is a discipline normalized and ideologically shaped by the state, which
poststructuralist scholar M. Foucault describes as “the internal technology of the society of
control.”
(Foucault, 1977, s. 201). Through this disciplinary control, the citizen becomes a
subject “subjugated” by the state, not only economically but also morally. This analysis shows
that although the Singapore model combines meritocracy, authoritarian modernism, and national
discipline in an integrated way, it is a system that needs to be balanced in terms of social
freedom, individual difference, and civic engagement. Therefore, when this model is
transplanted by other countries, it can exacerbate social dissonance if its specific cultural,
historical, and social contexts are not taken into account.
The patterns and traits of the growth of small, medium, and even large enterprises as well as
private entrepreneurship are determined by corruption.
The tendency to get around
administrative obstacles in the commercial sector increases with their size, and corruption is a
major factor in this. To further fight corruption, the state fabricates administrative elements
under a variety of guises. Accordingly, this alone encourages the growth of unofficial ties inside
the country's economy.
The Republic of Uzbekistan has implemented several reforms in the fight against corruption.
One such reform was the adoption of the Law of the Republic of Uzbekistan “On Combating
Corruption” No. O’RQ-419 on January 3, 2017, which aims to regulate relations in the field of
combating corruption. "Corruption is defined as the unlawful use of a person's position or
official position for the purpose of obtaining material or non-material benefit for personal gain or
the benefit of other persons, as well as the unlawful presentation of such benefit," according to
Article 3 of this law.
In conditions of state legal coercion, power is exercised by the bureaucracy and in the interests of
the bureaucracy. Therefore, the problems of entrepreneurship and citizens can be solved in
practice only with the help of corruption. Many vital problems of economic and social
development are solved in practice in this way. Economic losses from corruption include
insufficient collection of budget revenues, and the increased state anti-corruption efforts in the
context of the economic crisis make it possible to reduce corruption. This indicates that political
3
Habermas, J. (1996). Between Facts and Norms. Cambridge: MIT Press. – B. 214.
4
Bell, D. (2015). The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy. Princeton University Press. –
B. 67.
5
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Pantheon Books. – B. 201.
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and administrative mechanisms for combating corruption in government agencies are a priority.
The structure of the damage caused by corruption is largely determined by the structure of the
economic system. Regions with a similar industry structure have a similar structure of damage.
This once again demonstrates the importance of taking into account the specifics of the region
when acting against corruption. The greatest tangible damage is caused by corruption as a result
of the failure to fully collect budget revenues at all levels. The main causes of corruption are:
increased state intervention in the economy; increased gross tax burden; decreased level of
"social services" provided by the state; decreased level of income retained by enterprises;
complexity and contradictions of the legislation regulating economic activity.
Increasing government effectiveness in public administration and authority both domestically
and internationally, utilising information transparency in management decision-making, and
incorporating "e-government" technologies into the framework of management decision-making
in Russian society are all examples of political management mechanisms for fighting corruption
in state bodies. Instead of fighting corruption, today's ruling class is more concerned with
creating new corrupt political tools to unlawfully take or hold onto state power. Therefore, civil
society organisations that are engaged in lessening the detrimental socioeconomic effects of
political corruption should be given priority in the fight against contemporary corrupt practices.
The following should be included in the political and ideological mechanisms of anti-corruption
action in state authorities: firstly, the formation of an anti-corruption mentality and anti-
corruption culture of citizens; secondly, the introduction of codes of conduct for civil servants;
thirdly, the creation of a system of special information channels (hotlines) to publicize corruption
cases in government structures, and the creation of discussion forums on reducing corrupt
relations in the Internet space. It is also recommended to conduct a well-thought-out personnel
policy in state authorities, including a renewal policy, that is, to conduct a “clean hands”
operation. As a result, those who have committed and continue to commit corrupt offenses
(crimes) should be dismissed and held accountable. At the same time, it is necessary to establish
control over the adequate material support of the activities of the administrative state elite and
increasing the effectiveness of this activity, including through the use of social mechanisms.
The authority of government agencies must be divided according to the many kinds of work they
carry out. Eliminating institutional conflicts of interest, defining task delegation areas, and
excluding certain corrupt activities from the state apparatus are all important aspects of task
distribution. Other changes that should be made include reducing excessive control, requiring the
implementation of administrative procedures, and implementing "e-government" technologies
widely. The degree of corruption will be significantly reduced as a result of these improvements
taken together.
It's crucial to remember that practically all recent research indicates that decreasing corruption is
linked to improved well-being as well as decreased income inequality and more effective social
spending, notably on health and education.
