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ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL
DISCONTENT AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS
Okila Numonova
JMCU, 1st-year undergraduate
student in Political Science
Abstract:
This article analyzes social discontent and political movements from
an anthropological perspective. It explores the causes of discontent emerging in
society, how it shapes individual and group consciousness, and how it influences
political movements. Additionally, the article examines the forms of discontent and
mechanisms of movements within various cultural and social environments. By
applying analytical methods at the intersection of anthropology and political science,
the author highlights the role of human consciousness, traditions, and group interests
in the process of social change. The article contributes to a broader understanding of
how political activism and collective movements manifest within a wider social
context.
Keywords:
social discontent, political movements, anthropology, culture, group
consciousness, social change, active citizenship.
INTRODUCTION
Social discontent reflects the attitudes of individuals and groups who are
dissatisfied with various aspects and sectors of society. The study of social discontent
is grounded in theories of collective behavior, relative deprivation, social movements,
and social networks. These theories examine social discontent through different
approaches. Utilizing diverse foundations and methods in this research allows for a
broader understanding of the processes through which social discontent forms, leading
to political mobilization and shifts in societal order.
The theory of collective behavior, which emerged in the early 20th century,
attributes collective movements to spontaneous actions driven by emotional reactions
among people. According to this theory, social processes appear as spontaneously
occurring phenomena and are not necessarily determined by social structures. As social
discontent intensifies, rebellious groups emerge through patterns of individual
interaction and influence.
Gustave Le Bon believed that when a person joins a crowd, their behavior
becomes dominated by irrationality and aggression. Immersed in a crowd, individuals
lose their sense of self and responsibility, relying on anonymity and invisibility to
justify acts of violence. In such contexts, critical reasoning is overridden by emotional
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influence and a herd mentality. Individuals in crowds may become inclined toward
destructive behavior, guided by primitive instincts and irrational beliefs.
Psychological tension within society creates favorable conditions for the activity
of radical social groups and marginalized individuals. Le Bon, building on Neil
Smelser’s theory, argued that emerging social changes may lead to various degrees of
tension or conflict within certain key aspects of social order. Normative tension arises
when existing norms conflict with emerging values, particularly under conditions of
societal change. Tension also emerges when societal values hinder the satisfaction of
essential needs for specific segments of the population.
According to Neil Joseph Smelser (1930–2017), social tension that triggers social
movements stimulates a range of structural changes. Structural openness leads people
to believe in the existence of serious problems within society. Structural disruptions
motivate socially deprived individuals to take action. As the scope of perceived
problems expands, efforts to find solutions intensify.
Typically, a spark or triggering event is required for an outbreak of discontent to
transform into a social movement. At the same time, weakened social control opens
the possibility for efforts aimed at changing or reorganizing the current state of affairs
[Smelser, 1965].
RESEARCH DISCUSSION
Within the framework of collective behavior theory, Richard Turner and Lewis
M. Killian proposed the concept of norm emergence. According to this concept,
individuals evaluate their actions based on behavioral norms and the prevailing
opinions of those around them. However, in situations of social discontent and
uncertainty, the deviant behavior of certain individuals can become normative for the
entire social group. Each group develops its own behavioral models.
The formation of behavioral norms is less influenced by the homogeneity or
conformity of the group and more by the social roles played by leaders and their
followers. Today, the manifestation of social discontent is no longer attributed to
spontaneous asocial reactions but is increasingly explained by deliberate, conscious
actions.
Sidney Tarrow further developed ideas related to the theory of collective
behavior. He used these ideas to explain the rise and fall of social movements, and to
identify the strength of mutual influences based on cultural, organizational, and
individual resources. The dynamics of social movements are shown to be linked to
changes in the structure of political opportunities. Tarrow identifies deprivation, the
availability of resources, cultural boundaries, and political struggles as primary reasons
for initiating collective action. In an environment of social discontent, organized and
goal-oriented collective movements that persist over time evolve into social
movements.
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The concept of relative deprivation arises from discrepancies between personal
aspirations and actual or desired conditions. A key point of this theory is that people
are motivated to act based on feelings of deprivation, inequality, and unfulfilled hopes.
Individuals compare themselves to others who hold higher social status or have access
to power and economic resources, and they desire upward mobility. Discontent and
hopelessness drive people to engage in mass action. Notably, discontent may not only
arise during economic hardship but also when rising expectations outpace actual
opportunities. People’s feelings toward their social conditions are influenced not only
by reality but also by subjective satisfaction or dissatisfaction, and by comparisons with
others.
Unique aspects of the deprivation concept are also found in the works of Alexis
de Tocqueville. He observed a correlation: the higher the level of economic prosperity,
the faster old regimes and laws disappear, leading to political liberalization and the
intensification of revolutionary sentiments. During periods of economic growth,
citizens' material well-being may increase, but their general mood may become more
anxious and less content. As the need to change social order increases, social discontent
deepens, hatred toward outdated institutions intensifies, and revolutionary conditions
emerge.
RESEARCH RESULTS
Basic Principles of the Concept of Relative Deprivation
The basic principles of the concept of relative deprivation were first formulated
by Samuel Andrew Stouffer. According to him, deprivation manifests only under
specific conditions:
(a) The individual possesses certain knowledge about the system of social
advancement, mobility, or rewards;
(b) The individual does not receive the benefits he or she expected;
(c) These expectations are evaluated by comparing the individual’s own situation,
contribution, and reward with those of many peers belonging to a referent (interested)
group;
(d) The individual experiences a sense of injustice, which is reflected in criticism
of the mobility system.
Walter Runciman’s Theory
Walter Runciman, in turn, offered one of the earliest formal definitions of relative
deprivation and outlined four necessary conditions for the intensification of discontent:
1.
A person lacks something;
2.
This person is aware that others possess that thing;
3.
The person desires to obtain it;
4.
The person believes they have reasonable opportunities to obtain it.
Runciman distinguished between two types of deprivation:
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1.
Egoistic relative deprivation
– arises when a person feels they are being
treated unfairly in comparison with others;
2.
Fraternal relative deprivation
– emerges in connection with the collective
actions of large social groups. [Runciman, 1967]
Davies’s J-Curve Hypothesis
Researchers have tried to explain the reasons behind intensifying dissatisfaction
using Davies’s
J-curve hypothesis
. According to this hypothesis, revolutionary events
occur when a period of long-term socio-economic growth is suddenly followed by a
sharp decline.
During economic crises, people's satisfaction with the current situation declines
rapidly, while their hopes for improvement continue to rise. A sharp disparity between
hopes and actual satisfaction leads to revolution. [Davies, 1962] The logic of this
hypothesis is reflected in several assumptions of the relative deprivation theory.
Although there may be clear signs of growing social discontent in real life, these
processes often remain latent and are not perceived by society as systematic or
deliberate phenomena. When discontent in society becomes excessive, the
psychophysiological states of social groups reach their limits, leading to the expansion
and regularization of social conflicts. As a result, dissatisfaction begins to manifest
openly.
At this stage, discontent does not appear as an independent process but rather as
a characteristic of social imbalance. It is often expressed in the form of mass protests,
civil disobedience, regular strikes, and other informal forms of civic activity.
Overall, the review of foreign research on social discontent provides insights into
the theoretical foundations of this phenomenon. The formation of negative sentiments
in society is viewed as a multifactorial process influenced by various political,
economic, and social determinants. The causes of rising discontent are often seen as
the result of government policies, ineffective governance, and unpopular decisions by
the authorities.
One important factor in the formation of social discontent is the expansion of
digital communication environments. Social media platforms disseminate information
that encourages dissatisfaction, which then spreads across various communication
channels. "Angry citizen" communities emerge, eventually turning into platforms for
organizing collective actions.
CONCLUSION
The anthropological examination of social discontent and political movements
reveals that dissatisfaction within society is deeply rooted in cultural, symbolic, and
social frameworks that shape human behavior. Discontent is not merely a response to
material deprivation or political exclusion but is profoundly influenced by collective
identities, historical memory, normative expectations, and the interplay between
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tradition and change. Political movements emerge as both expressions and instruments
of this discontent, reflecting the lived experiences, aspirations, and grievances of
diverse social groups.
Through an interdisciplinary lens that bridges anthropology and political science,
this study underscores the importance of understanding political activism as a
culturally embedded phenomenon. Movements do not occur in isolation; they are
shaped by narratives, rituals, and shared meanings that give coherence to collective
action. The anthropological perspective thus provides a critical contribution to
decoding the symbolic dimensions of protest, the moral foundations of resistance, and
the social mechanisms through which movements gain momentum and legitimacy.
Ultimately, this analysis enriches our understanding of social transformation by
illustrating how political movements are grounded in the human pursuit of meaning,
justice, and belonging. Recognizing the cultural and emotional substrates of discontent
enables a more nuanced approach to studying both the causes and consequences of
collective mobilization across societies.
REFERENCES:
1.
Tarrow S. Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and
Politics. Cambridge University Press, 1994.-P.38.
2.
The social psychology of protest. Jacquelien van Stekelenburg, B. Klandermans
Published 7 February 1997// https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-social-
psychology-of-protest-Stekelenburg-
Klandermans/f6b747627f12725b9be8d1f1a070f8cf9d20c157.
3.
Алексис де Токвиль: контрреволюционный либерал и поборник религии//
https://www. phisci.info/jour/article/viewFile/2868/2689.
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Лебон Г.Психология народов и масс// https://www.litres.ru/book/gustav-
lebon/psihologiya-narodov-i-mass-21992024/chitat-onlayn/
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Смелзер Н. Социология// https://scepsis.net/library/id_580.html.
6.
Deprivation (Lat. deprivatio — loss, being deprived).
7.
Social determinism (Lat. determinare — to determine, to define).
8.
Pattern (Eng. pattern — model, example, template).
9.
Irrational behavior — actions driven by emotions and instincts that do not align
with logic.
