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175 р.
TYPES OF BILINGUALISM
Nurumbetova G.A.
PhD, Associate Professor
«English language and Literature» Department
Babashova B.
1
st
year Master student of the «Linguistics» (English language) Department
Berdakh Karakalpak State University, Nukus, Uzbekistan
Abstract:
This article examines three types of bilingualism – bilingualism of people, namely
simultaneous bilingualism, consistent bilingualism and sequential bilingualism. Simultaneous
bilingualism is bilingualism, in which a person studying two languages in the same environment learns
one concept using two verbal expressions. That is, a bilingual person masters two languages in different
conditions, for example, at home and at school, so the words of the two languages belong to separate and
independent systems. Consistent bilingualism is dominated by one language. The successes and problems
faced by people in the development of bilingualism are discussed. It is concluded that in addition to
motivation and context, bilingual experience plays an important role in bilingual development.
Keywords:
bilingualism, simultaneous bilingualism, coordinate bilingualism, sequential bilingualism
Аннотация
: В данной статье исследуются три типа билингвизма – двуязычия людей, а именно
одновременный билингвизм, координационный билингвизм и последовательный билингвизм.
Одновременный билингвизм – это двуязычие, при котором человек, изучающий два языка в одной
и той же среде, усваивает одно понятие с помощью двух словесных выражений. То есть человек
билингв овладевает двумя языками в разных условиях, например, дома и в школе, поэтому слова
двух языков принадлежат к отдельным и независимым системам. В последовательном
билингвизме или двуязычии доминирует один язык. Обсуждаются успехи и проблемы, с
которыми сталкиваются люди в развитии двуязычия. Делается вывод, что в дополнение к
мотивации и контексту важную роль в двуязычном развитии обогащается двуязычный опыт.
Ключевые слова:
билингвизм, одновременный билингвизм, координационный билингвизм,
последовательный билингвизм
Bilingualism comes from two words from Latin origin: ‗bi‘ which means ‗two‘ and ‗lingua‘
which means language. Therefore, it may be defined as an ability to speak fluently at least in two
languages. There are many problems and challenges when trying to define this term precisely. The reason
for that is that many children experience learning two languages since birth because their parents want so,
or simply because sometimes their parents have two different mother tongues. This type of bilingualism is
called Simultaneous Bilingualism.
Furthermore, some people become bilingual later, when they decide to learn the second language,
for example, in school. In contrast to the target type where a person learns a new language by their own
will, some people need to learn a new language to survive and adapt to the new surrounding and society,
for example, Karakalpaks in the United States of America. In some communities, children are raised in a
way that they speak one language at home, and the other one in public areas, such as in school. That type
of learning a new language is known as Coordinate or circumstantial bilingualism [Baker, 2001].
Sometimes when a native Russian child relocated to Uzbekistan, the child will informally learn
Uzbek through interaction with the locals in that area. This is called Sequential bilingualism. The specific
objective of this article is to focus on each of them in detail, and clarify some of the misconceptions and
confusions of many who don‘t comprehend this well. Children who acquire a second language through
successive acquisition are usually less fluent and less cohesive [Houwer: 2009].
This is in contrast to simultaneous acquisition because both languages are acquired as first
languages. In this case, children are more fluent and cohesive in their communication. They are able to
express themselves fluently and without challenges. For example, many children learn their native
language at home and another language such as Russian or English at school.
Bilingual language acquisition takes place in two main ways that include
Simultaneous acquisition and
Successive acquisition
In each of these ways, language acquisition is largely determined by certain factors such as age
and comprehension of another language.
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Simultaneous acquisition takes place when a child learns two languages immediately after birth,
or when the child learns a second language before attaining the age of three [Houwer:2009].
In contrast, Successive acquisition takes place when a child learns a second language after
establishment of a first language. Simultaneous acquisition is more advantageous because children go
through the same stages of development similar to stages undergone by children who learn a single
language . However, it is different in the case of Successive acquisition. Children usually experience
‗nonverbal‘ periods during which they try to understand the second language. Age is an important factor
that determines the length of the nonverbal period in children. Younger children go through shorter
periods compared to older children [Houwer: 2009].
Simultaneous bilingualism usually occurs among children who are addressed in two different
languages for long periods that allow for acquisition of both languages [Houwer:2009].
In such a case, children acquire both languages as first languages. In contrast, Successive
acquisition normally occurs when an individual travels to another country where the language used is
unfamiliar. Therefore, the second language is learned as a foreign language. On the other hand, it occurs
when a child attends school and receives instructions through a language that is different from the one
used at home [Houwer: 2009].
Some therapists argue that Simultaneous language acquisition is harmful to the cognitive
development of children. They argue that a child should learn one language first and a second one
introduced only after the first one is spoken fluently. According to them, successive acquisition does not
affect the cognitive development of children. However, the other group of therapists argues that
simultaneous acquisition does not affect the cognitive development of children in any way [Patterson:
2002: 499].
Compound bilinguals, it is thought, do not have an independent grammar for their second
language. It is asserted that people can learn a second language in such a way that it will always be
dependent on the first language. A putative example would be the case of the student who is taught an
English equivalent for every native language word. This student might eventually become a balanced
bilingual and his ordinary conversation might become indistinguishable from that of a native language.
Yet it would be asserted by some psycholinguists that this compound bilingual, because of the way he
originally learned native language, would still be translating into English every time he heard native
language and translating out of English every time he spoke native language.
Coordinate bilinguals, on the other hand, would be those people who learned two languages in
separate contexts; therefore, the grammars of their two languages would be completely independent. It is
even thought that coordinate bilinguals would have great difficulty in translating because of this
separateness of their two languages. ‗I argue that it is an error to think that there are two kinds of
bilingualism that fit the labels compound and coordinate. First, compound and coordinate‘ [Diller: 2010:
26].
Traditionally, the starting point of bilingual research is considered to be two major works
published in 1953 ‗Language Contacts‘ by Uriel Weinreich and ‗Norwegian Language in America‘ by
Einar Ingvald Haugen [Weinreich: 1953: 212]; [Haugen: 1953: 699].
With the translation of these works into Russian and the subsequent development of the concepts
reflected in them, Russian linguistics adopted new terms – ‗bilingualism‘, as the term ‗bilingualism‘ was
originally translated in the Russian translation of the work of Uriel Weinreich in 1979, ‗diglossia‘,
‗bilingualism‘, ‗trilingualism‘, ‗multilingualism‘[Weinreich: 1979: 263].
At different times, bilingualism was studied from the standpoint of linguistics in the context of
cognitive and functional approaches – from the point of view of language skills and their functions, as
well as from the standpoint of a sociolinguistic approach, if the social interaction of linguistic
communities was studied.
Uriel Weinreich's ‗Language Contacts‘, published in 1953 was a new important step in the study
of problems of interaction between languages. It was he who laid the solid foundations of language
conflicts and marked the beginning of the choice of options, combined with the interaction of languages
both in diachronic and synchronous plans. The difference between the theory of Uriel Weinreich and all
previous theories was that the central place in it was taken by the study of human speech behavior in
terms of language contact, that is, the behavior of a bilingual speaker. In every language part should be
harmoniously combined with neighboring ones, therefore we cannot replace a part of any system with a
piece of another one without exposing it to the danger of complete destruction. A mixture of
homogeneous systems of two languages is impossible; they can only exclude each other.
Sequential bilingualism: Sequential bilinguals outperformed monolinguals in the task of
attentional control, while no differences were found in the meta-linguistic awareness and meta-
representation tasks. These findings suggest that attentional control is the first cognitive component
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advantaged by early sequential bilingualism and further highlight the benefits of second language
exposure in the context of early formal education [Kalashnikova: 2014: 111].
In conclusion, the article has listed out the three main types of Bilingualism as well as disparities
and clarities on what type Bilingualism people belong to. It has been proven that each these types
mentioned above occur in the different dynamic setting and supported by factual information.
REFERENCES:
1.
Baker, Colin. Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism. Bilingual education and
bilingualism. Multilingual Matters, 2001. 484 p.
2.
Diller Karl C. ed. Individual Differences and Universals in Language Learning Aptitude. Rowley,
Mass.: Newbury House. 1981. pp. xi-218.
3.
Diller Karl Conrad. Teaching a Living Language. Harper & Row. University of Michigan. 2010.
135 p.
4.
Haugen, Einar Ingvald. The Norwegian language in America: A study in bilingual behavior. Vol.
1: The bilingual community; Vol. II. The American dialects of Norwegian. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press. 1953. 699 p.
5.
Houwer, A. D. Bilingual first language acquisition. UK: Multilingual Matters. 2009.
6.
Kalashnikova Marina, Mattock Karen. Maturation of executive functioning skills in early
sequential bilingualism, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 17:1, 2014. p.111.
7.
Patterson, Janet. Relationships of expressive vocabulary to frequency of reading and television
experience among bilingual toddlers. Applied Psycholinguistics. Vol. 23(4). Cambridge:
CUP. 2002.
pp.
493-508
8.
Weinreich, Uriel. Languages in Contacts. Findings and Problems. New York: Linguistic Circle of
New York. 1953. 212 p.
9.
Weinreich, Uriel. Language contacts: State and problems of research. Kiev: Vishcha school,
1979. 263 p.
DIPHTHONGS AND THEIR USE IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE
Awezova K.Q.
1
st
year Master student of the «Linguistics» (English language) Department
Qurbanova A.
2
nd
year student of the Foreign Language and Literature department
Berdakh Karakalpak State University, Nukus, Uzbekistan
Abstract
: A diphthong ['dɪfθɒŋ], from Ancient Greek δίφθογγος – díphthongos, ‗two sounds‘, from δίς –
dís – 'twice', and φθόγγος – phthóngos – 'sound', also known as a gliding vowel, is a combination of two
adjacent vowel sounds within the same syllable. Technically, a diphthong is a vowel with two different
targets: that is, the tongue and other parts of the speech apparatus, moves during the pronunciation of the
vowel. In most varieties of English, the phrase ‗no highway cowboy‘ – [noʊ 'haɪweɪ 'kaʊbɔɪ] has five
distinct diphthongs, one in every syllable
Key words
: closing, opening, and centering, falling and rising, narrow and wide, length
Diphthongs contrast with monophthongs, where the tongue or other speech organs do not move
and the syllable contains only a single vowel sound. For instance, in English, the word /
ah
/ is spoken as a
monophthong [α:], while the word /
ow
/ is spoken as a diphthong in most varieties [aʊ]. Where two
adjacent vowel sounds occur in different syllables, for example, in the English word /
re-elect
/ – [ri'ilekt]
the result is described as hiatus, not as a diphthong. The English word /
hiatus
/ – [ˌhaɪ'eɪtәs] is itself an
example of both hiatus and diphthongs.
Diphthongs often form when separate vowels are run together in rapid speech during a
conversation. However, there are also unitary diphthongs, as in the English examples above, which are
heard by listeners as single-vowel sounds – phonemes.[Borg:1997]
In the International Phonetic Alphabet – IPA, monophthongs are transcribed with one symbol, as
in English
sun
– [sʌn], in which [ʌ] represents a monophthong. Diphthongs are transcribed with two
symbols, as in English
high
– [hai] or
cow
– [kaʊ], in which [ai] and [aʊ] represent diphthongs.
Diphthongs may be transcribed with two vowel symbols or with a vowel symbol and a semivowel
symbol. In the words above, the less prominent member of the diphthong can be represented with the
symbols for the palatal approximant [j] and the labiovelar approximant [w], with the symbols for the close
vowels [i] and [u], or the symbols for the near-close vowels [ɪ] and [ʊ]. Some transcriptions are broader
