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TYPE
Original Research
PAGE NO.
76-93
10.37547/tajpslc/Volume07Issue05-11
OPEN ACCESS
SUBMITED
17 March 2025
ACCEPTED
13 April 2025
PUBLISHED
15 May 2025
VOLUME
Vol.07 Issue05 2025
CITATION
Opinion D. Iyamba, & Olanrewaju Yusuf. (2025). Political and ethno-
religious tensions in Nigeria: historical dynamics and contemporary
implications for national security. The American Journal of Political Science
Law and Criminology, 7(05), 76
–
93.
https://doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/Volume07Issue05-11
COPYRIGHT
© 2025 Original content from this work may be used under the terms
of the creative commons attributes 4.0 License.
Political and ethno-
religious tensions in
Nigeria: historical
dynamics and
contemporary implications
for national security
Opinion D. Iyamba
Ph.D. Student, City University, Cambodia
Olanrewaju Yusuf
Lecturer, City University, Cambodia
Abstract:
Political and ethno-religious tensions in
Nigeria pose significant challenges to national security
and stability, rooted in colonial-era policies that
institutionalized ethnic and religious divisions. These
historical grievances compounded by contemporary
socio-political dynamics, manifest in electoral violence,
insurgencies like Boko Haram, farmer-herder clashes,
and secessionist movements such as IPOB. The study
investigates these tensions by exploring their historical
roots, contemporary manifestations, and impact on
national security, employing Marxist, and Functionalist
theories to provide a robust theoretical framework.
Using a qualitative research design, data were gathered
from archival records, governmental and non-
governmental reports, and case studies, including the
Kano Riots of 1953, the Maitatsine Riots of 1980, and
the Boko Haram insurgency and the likes. Findings
reveal that these tensions are exacerbated by
governance failures, socio-economic inequalities, and
the manipulation of identity politics, with severe
implications for national security, such as displacement,
economic disruption, and weakened state legitimacy.
While interventions like the Niger Delta Amnesty
Program and anti-open grazing laws have yielded partial
success, their limited scope underscores the need for
comprehensive reforms. The study concludes that
addressing
these
tensions
requires
historical
reconciliation, inclusive governance, equitable resource
distribution,
and
sustainable
conflict-resolution
mechanisms. Thus the study recommends establishing a
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national reconciliation commission, decentralizing
governance, promoting interfaith dialogue, and
enhancing security frameworks through community
policing and stakeholder engagement. These measures
aim to address the root causes of tensions and foster
long-term stability and peace. By integrating historical,
political, and socio-economic dimensions, the study
provides a roadmap for mitigating political and ethno-
religious tensions in Nigeria.
Keywords:
Political tensions, Ethno-religious conflict,
National security, Governance.
Introduction:
In the contemporary landscape of
globalization, national security has become an
increasingly pressing concern for governments across
the globe. The stability of nations hinges not only on
their ability to protect territorial sovereignty but also
on their capacity to address internal socio-political
dynamics that threaten peace and cohesion. Political
and ethno-religious tensions have been identified as
significant destabilizing factors, manifesting in various
forms such as civil unrest, insurgencies, and intergroup
conflicts (Joshi, 2024). These tensions, which have
been observed from the Balkans to the Middle East,
have demonstrated a capacity to undermine
governance, erode social cohesion, and derail
developmental progress (Okeke‐Ihejirika & Odimegwu,
2022; Kehinde, 2023).
In Africa, the interplay of political and ethno-religious
divisions presents formidable challenges to nation-
building and security. The continent's diverse ethnic
and religious landscape often serves as a fault line for
conflict, particularly in nations with colonial legacies
that forced disparate groups into a single political
framework. Nigeria, often referred to as the "Giant of
Africa," epitomizes the complexities of managing
ethno-religious diversity within a post-colonial state.
With over 250 ethnic groups, including the Hausa,
Yoruba, and Igbo, Nigeria reflects a rich tapestry of
cultural, linguistic, and religious plurality. Islam and
Christianity dominate religious affiliations, with
traditional beliefs also playing a significant role in many
communities (Ndubuisi, 2024). This diversity, while a
source of national pride, also presents significant
challenges. Competing interests among various groups
have often resulted in political and social tensions that
are deeply rooted in Nigeria's historical context.
Since its amalgamation in 1914 by British colonial
authorities, Nigeria has struggled to integrate its
myriad ethnic groups and religious affiliations under a
unified political structure. The three dominant ethnic
groups
—
Hausa-Fulani in the north, Yoruba in the west,
and Igbo in the east
—
are further divided along religious
lines, with Islam predominantly practiced in the north
and Christianity in the south. These divisions have
historically been politicized, fostering competition for
resources, power, and representation (Agu, 2024). Over
the decades, these political and ethno-religious tensions
have escalated into recurrent conflicts, ranging from
civil wars to communal violence, and the insurgency of
extremist groups like Boko Haram. The cumulative
impact of these conflicts has led to a deterioration of
national security, characterized by loss of lives,
displacement of populations, and economic disruptions.
The interplay between economic challenges and social
tensions underscores the need for a comprehensive
approach to governance that addresses both security
and socio-economic development. The Nigerian
government's
response
to
these
multifaceted
challenges has included various policy initiatives aimed
at fostering national unity and addressing the root
causes of conflict. However, the effectiveness of these
strategies remains a topic of debate among scholars and
policymakers. Some argue that a more inclusive
approach, which considers the diverse interests of
Nigeria's ethnic groups, is essential for achieving long-
term stability (Kyuvi, 2023). This perspective aligns with
the notion that good governance, characterized by
transparency and accountability, is crucial for fostering
trust among citizens and mitigating the risks of conflict
(Bah & Ouedraogo, 2022).
Moreover, the role of international organizations in
supporting Nigeria's efforts to enhance its national
security cannot be understated. A robust and equitable
representation within key international bodies, such as
the African Union, is vital for Nigeria to effectively
advocate for its interests and priorities on the global
stage. A well-aligned foreign policy framework that
prioritizes economic growth and regional stability is
essential for bolstering Nigeria's resilience and
autonomy within the international community (Umeh
et al., 2023).
As Nigeria navigates these turbulent waters, the lessons
learned from its historical context and current dynamics
will be critical in shaping a more secure and cohesive
future for the nation. Understanding the roots and
modern dynamics of these issues is critical for
addressing the persistent challenges they pose. This
study focuses on Nigeria as a case study to explore the
historical roots and contemporary manifestations of
political and ethno-religious tensions. It examines their
implications for national security, shedding light on the
interplay of governance, institutional frameworks, and
socio-political dynamics that perpetuate these conflicts.
By addressing these issues, the study aims to contribute
to the development of more comprehensive and
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sustainable strategies for mitigating tensions and
fostering peace in Nigeria.
Statement of the Problem
Despite numerous efforts by successive governments
and international stakeholders to address political and
ethno-religious tensions in Nigeria, these challenges
remain deeply ingrained, raising significant questions
about the effectiveness of existing strategies and
policies. The persistence of these issues has had far-
reaching implications for national security and
governance, as Nigeria continues to grapple with the
consequences of historical grievances, socio-economic
disparities, and institutional weaknesses (Dhital, 2019).
The rising tide of migration among Nigerians seeking
safety and stability abroad further underscores the
state’s failure to effectively address these tensions,
leading to questions about its legitimacy and capacity
to govern equitably (Okereke et al., 2022).
The historical context of these tensions highlights the
unresolved legacies of colonial rule and the Nigerian
Civil War (1967
–
1970). British colonial policies forced
the amalgamation of diverse ethnic groups into a single
political entity, disregarding their distinct cultural and
religious identities. This foundational discord,
compounded by divide-and-rule strategies entrenched
divisions that persist today (Osimen et al., 2022). The
civil war, fueled by ethnic and regional grievances,
resulted in significant loss of life and displacement,
leaving scars that continue to shape Nigeria’s socio
-
political landscape (Bayer, 2023). Marginalized groups,
particularly in the southeastern region, continue to
seek greater autonomy, underscoring the unresolved
grievances from this historical conflict (Bammeke &
Awosika, 2022). The enduring influence of these
tensions illustrates the failure to address their root
causes, perpetuating cycles of violence and mistrust
among ethnic and religious groups.
Despite Nigeria’s dem
ocratic progress, contemporary
manifestations of these tensions exacerbate its fragile
socio-political fabric. Extremist groups, such as Boko
Haram in the northeast, have exploited socio-
economic disenfranchisement and religious divisions,
leading to widespread violence, displacement, and
humanitarian crises (Umeh, 2023). Boko Haram’s
insurgency exemplifies the intersection of religious
extremism and poor governance, contributing to the
polarization of Nigeria’s religious landscape. Similarly,
the farmer-herder conflicts in the Middle Belt, often
framed as clashes between Muslim Fulani herders and
Christian farmers, highlight the deepening competition
over scarce resources exacerbated by climate change
(Arowosegbe, 2020). These resource-based conflicts
not only fuel ethno-religious tensions but also threaten
agricultural
productivity
and
rural
livelihoods,
compounding national security challenges (Kamta et al.,
2021).
Furthermore, Nigeria’s governance structures have
struggled to build public trust and effectively manage
these crises. Corruption and ineffective governance
have eroded confidence in state institutions,
exacerbating social unrest and disenfranchisement (Ilo
et al., 2020). This lack of trust has led to protests and
civil disobedience, as evidenced during the #EndSARS
movement in 2020, which highlighted broader systemic
issues of governance and accountability. The inability of
the state to address grievances equitably perpetuates a
cycle of discontent, further deepening the socio-
political divide.
Social media, while a powerful tool for citizen
engagement, has also become a double-edged sword in
exacerbating Nigeria’s security challenges (Sassetti,
2019). Platforms such as Twitter and Facebook have
facilitated communication and mobilization but also
serve as channels for radicalization and the spread of
misinformation (Onwudiwe & Mendie, 2022). The
Nigerian government’s controversial decision to ban
Twitter in 2021, citing its role in civil unrest, illustrates
the complexity of balancing governance, freedom of
expression, and national security (Mohammed, 2023).
The role of social media in shaping public discourse and
security dynamics underscores the urgent need for
policies that address its misuse while preserving
democratic freedoms.
The impact of these unresolved tensions on national
security is profound. Over 3 million people have been
displaced due to ongoing conflicts, particularly in the
northeast and Middle Belt regions, exacerbating
humanitarian challenges and straining already limited
resources (Kamta et al., 2021). Internally displaced
persons (IDPs) often face inadequate access to
healthcare, education, and basic services, further
deepening the socio-economic divide. The economic
implications of these conflicts are equally significant,
with violence disrupting trade, investment, and
agricultural production. As noted by Umeh (2023),
Nigeria loses billions of dollars annually due to these
disruptions, perpetuating poverty and unemployment.
This economic decline fuels grievances among
marginalized groups, creating fertile ground for further
violence and instability.
Despite numerous interventions by international
stakeholders and domestic reforms, these persistent
challenges highlight the inadequacy of existing
strategies. The Nigerian government’
s inability to
address these issues comprehensively has not only
deepened internal divisions but also eroded its
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credibility on the global stage. As the nation continues
to face recurring cycles of violence and social unrest,
the need for innovative, inclusive, and sustainable
solutions has become increasingly urgent. This study
aims to analyze these dynamics, assess their
implications, and propose actionable solutions to
mitigate their impact on Nigeria’s stability and future
development.
Research aim and Objectives
The study aims to investigate, understand, and analyze
the historical roots and contemporary manifestations
of political and ethno-religious tensions in Nigeria, and
to assess their impact on national security. The study’s
objectives are:
•
To analyze the historical roots of political and
ethno-religious tensions in Nigeria.
•
To examine the contemporary manifestations
of these tensions.
•
To assess the impact of these tensions on
national security.
•
To
propose
potential
solutions
and
recommendations for mitigating these tensions.
Significance of the study
By analyzing the historical roots and contemporary
manifestations of political and ethno-religious tensions
in Nigeria, this study contributes to a deeper
understanding of the complex dynamics of conflict in
diverse societies. This knowledge is crucial for
developing effective conflict resolution strategies and
preventing future outbreaks of violence. Furthermore,
the findings of this research will provide valuable
insights for policymakers, government officials, and
international organizations involved in addressing
conflict and promoting peace and security in Nigeria.
The study will inform the development and
implementation of policies aimed at mitigating
tensions, fostering national cohesion, and enhancing
national security.
By shedding light on the historical and contemporary
factors that contribute to political and ethno-religious
tensions, this research can contribute to raising
awareness and fostering dialogue among different
ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria. This can help to
build bridges of understanding, promote tolerance,
and ultimately contribute to national cohesion and
social stability. Additionally, this study will contribute
to the existing div of academic literature on conflict
studies, political science, and international relations. It
will provide a valuable case study for understanding
the interplay between political, ethnic, and religious
factors in shaping national security outcomes.
Scope of the study
This study will primarily focus on examining the
historical evolution of political and ethno-religious
tensions in Nigeria, tracing their origins to pre-colonial,
colonial, and post-independence periods. It will also
analyze contemporary manifestations of these tensions,
including electoral violence, religious extremism, inter-
communal conflicts, and the role of political corruption
and inequality. Furthermore, the study will assess the
impact of these tensions on various aspects of national
security, such as internal security threats, regional
security, economic development, and human rights.
Finally, the study will propose potential solutions and
recommendations for mitigating these tensions,
including political reforms, dialogue and reconciliation
initiatives, addressing root causes, strengthening
security institutions, and the role of the international
community.
METHODOLOGY
This study adopts a historical and case study research
design to explore the contemporary manifestations of
political and ethno-religious tensions in Nigeria. Data
collection will involve archival research, utilizing diverse
sources such as government documents, academic
journals, news articles, and reports from non-
governmental organizations (NGOs). These sources
provide rich and reliable information to understand the
causes, dynamics, and impacts of political and ethno-
religious conflicts. The data will be analyzed using
qualitative content analysis, focusing on identifying
patterns, themes, and trends in the documented
information to provide a comprehensive understanding
of the subject matter. This approach ensures an in-
depth exploration of the interplay between political
governance, religious dynamics, and ethnic diversity in
shaping
Nigeria's
security
and
developmental
challenges.
Literature Review
Historical Dynamics of Political and Ethno-Religious
Tensions in Nigeria
Pre-Colonial Period
The pre-colonial period in Nigeria featured a tapestry of
autonomous ethnic communities with distinct
governance systems. Centralized monarchies, such as
the Hausa-Fulani emirates and the Oyo Empire,
coexisted with decentralized societies like the Igbo,
characterized by kinship and communal decision-
making. Inter-ethnic relations during this period were
predominantly shaped by trade, alliances, and localized
conflicts over resources. These disputes were often
resolved through traditional mechanisms that
emphasized balance and social harmony (Ayinla, 2024).
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However, ethno-religious dynamics also emerged
during this time, particularly with the 19th-century
Jihad movement led by Usman Dan Fodio. This
campaign sought to establish the Sokoto Caliphate and
convert
non-Muslim
populations,
profoundly
reshaping the socio-political and religious fabric of
northern Nigeria. The establishment of Islamic
emirates, such as Bauchi, was accompanied by
significant expansion and consolidation of Islamic
governance structures (Orngu, 2018). Conversely,
Christianization efforts beginning in the 15th century
gained momentum in the 19th century, counteracting
Islamic influences and setting the stage for religious
contestations.
Colonial Period
The historical roots of ethno-religious conflicts in
Nigeria are widely attributed to colonial policies that
shaped the country's socio-political and religious
dynamics.
Orngu
(2018)
identifies
colonial
administrative strategies as pivotal in entrenching
religious dichotomy. The British imposed indirect rule,
which upheld existing Islamic structures in the North
while allowing Christian missionaries to dominate the
South, thereby institutionalizing division and rivalry.
Similarly, Ugorji (2017) highlights the amalgamation of
culturally distinct northern and southern regions in
1914 as a critical point that exacerbated tensions
between Muslims and Christians. The colonial divide-
and-rule policies perpetuated inter-group competition
and distrust, laying the groundwork for modern
conflicts. This perspective aligns with Osadola's (2012)
analysis, which underscores the deliberate colonial
manipulation of Nigeria’s ethnic diversity to maintain
control, ultimately fostering deep-seated ethnic and
religious divisions.
The analysis of religion’s role in political socialization,
as detailed by Eze et al. (2024), further elucidates how
ethno-religious dynamics have shaped Nigeria's
political trajectory. The duality of governance systems
and exclusionary practices rooted in colonial legacies
continue to fuel separatist agitations and societal
upheavals. Meanwhile, the broader implications of
anti-colonial resistance and its impact on identity
formation are explored by Kuandyk and Sarsikeeva
(2023), who emphasize literature's role in exposing
and challenging colonial legacies. This cross-cultural
analysis enriches the understanding of colonial impacts
on societal structures and resistance narratives,
offering comparative insights relevant to Nigeria’s
historical context.
Post-Independence Period
Post-independence
Nigeria
has
witnessed
a
persistence of ethno-religious conflicts, with their
roots deeply entrenched in colonial legacies and
exacerbated by the socio-political dynamics of a diverse
nation-state. Adenuga et al. (2023) provide a
comprehensive overview of these conflicts during
Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999–
2021), documenting
over 2811 ethnic and 3703 religious conflicts that have
resulted in massive fatalities and socio-political
instability. The analysis identifies the failure of the post-
colonial state to equitably distribute power and
resources as a key driver of unrest. Agbiboa (2013)
explores the broader historical continuum of these
tensions, emphasizing that post-independence political
mobilization along ethnic and religious lines hindered
the formation of a cohesive national identity. The
Biafran War and subsequent electoral and religious
violence illustrate the enduring challenges of unity in
diversity.
Sule (2015) investigates the role of the mass media in
amplifying conflicts in Northern Nigeria, particularly
through biased reportage influenced by the affiliations
of media owners and editors. This study highlights how
even resource-based disputes, such as the farmer-
herder crises, often assume a religious character,
complicating conflict resolution efforts. The findings
underscore the mass media's dual potential to either
de-escalate or exacerbate ethno-religious tensions.
Contemporary Manifestations of Political and Ethno-
Religious Tensions in Nigeria
Electoral Violence
In Nigeria, the electoral process is significantly
influenced by ethnicity and religion, often leading to
violence. Ethnic and religious affiliations are frequently
exploited by politicians during elections to mobilize
support, creating an "us versus them" mentality. This
tactic leads to violent clashes among political and
religious factions, especially when the stakes are high,
as in presidential and gubernatorial elections. "Religious
othering" during campaigns, where opposing religious
groups are demonized or stigmatized, deepens these
divisions. For example, ethnic minorities may feel
politically marginalized, while religious minorities
experience exclusion or hostility during campaigns.
Between 1999 and 2021, over 2,811 ethnic conflicts and
3,703 religious conflicts were recorded, emphasizing the
depth of polarization and the frequency of violence in
the electoral context (Adenuga et al2023). These
tensions, fueled by the politicization of religion and
ethnicity, make elections a flashpoint for violence,
undermining the democratic process and the security of
the country (Chigbu et al., 2024).
Religious Extremism
The rise of religious extremism in Nigeria, particularly
the insurgency led by Boko Haram and other militant
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groups, represents a severe threat to national security.
These groups justify their actions with ideological
motivations that intertwine with religious dogma, but
they are also deeply rooted in political and socio-
economic grievances. Historical factors such as colonial
legacies, which introduced divisions between the north
and south, as well as competition for power among
different ethnic and religious groups, have fueled
religious extremism (Mshelia, 2024). Groups like Boko
Haram, which emerged in the early 2000s, have
escalated violence in the northeast, leading to
thousands of deaths, mass displacement, and the
destruction of property. The group's radical
interpretations of Islam and violent actions have led to
profound destabilization across Nigeria (Effiom 2023).
This extremism has not only targeted government
institutions and military personnel but also civilians,
particularly those in Christian-majority regions,
contributing to a growing divide between religious
communities and increasing sectarian tensions across
the nation.
Inter-communal Conflicts
Inter-communal conflicts, particularly those between
farmers and herders, are a significant source of
violence in Nigeria. These conflicts often stem from
competition for resources
—
especially land and
water
—
amid changing climate conditions that have
made agricultural and grazing land scarcer. However,
these conflicts are also intertwined with ethnic and
religious identities. The herders, predominantly
Muslim and of Fulani ethnicity, frequently clash with
farmers who are mostly Christian or from indigenous
ethnic groups. These conflicts are often framed in
ethnic and religious terms, as various groups view the
violence through the lens of their identity (Chigbu et
al., 2024). The consequences are dire: thousands of
people have lost their lives, and many more have been
displaced as a result of these clashes. In addition to
resource competition, historical grievances between
ethnic groups
—
further exacerbated by political
manipulations
—
have turned these conflicts into
protracted violence, demanding urgent attention and
resolution (Adenuga et al, 2023).
Political Corruption and Inequality
Political corruption remains one of the most significant
factors exacerbating ethno-religious tensions in
Nigeria. Corruption at various levels of government has
led to a severe misallocation of resources, which
disproportionately affects certain ethnic and religious
groups. Politicians often perpetuate corruption to
consolidate power within their ethnic or religious
communities,
leading
to
widespread
disenfranchisement and inequality. As a result,
marginalized groups feel excluded from the benefits of
governance, fueling resentment and exacerbating
tensions. The failure of the state to address these
disparities contributes to a sense of injustice, further
stoking the flames of conflict (Sarafa & Monday, 2024).
The lack of trust in government institutions also leads to
a breakdown in social cohesion, as citizens turn to ethnic
or religious militias for protection, contributing to a
cycle of violence and instability. Political corruption thus
serves as a catalyst for deepening ethno-religious
divisions, making the resolution of tensions more
difficult and creating a fertile ground for violence.
Implications Political and Ethno-Religious Tensions for
Nigeria’s National Security
Internal Security Threats
One of the most visible manifestations of Nigeria's
political and ethno-religious tensions is the rise of
terrorism and insurgency. Groups like Boko Haram and
the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) have
capitalized on religious divisions to incite violence and
destabilize the country. Boko Haram, originally focused
on opposing Western education, has evolved into a
deadly insurgency that targets government institutions,
military personnel, and civilians across northern Nigeria.
These groups exploit religious sentiments, especially in
the predominantly Muslim north, where they claim to
fight against the "corruption" and "Westernization" of
Nigerian society. However, their violent tactics
—
bombings, kidnappings, and attacks on villages
—
have
led to widespread insecurity, displacement, and loss of
life (Nakanda et al., 2024). The persistence of terrorism
and insurgency has not only weakened the state’s
control over large parts of the country but has also
exacerbated ethnic and religious divisions. In the
northeast, Boko Haram’s campaign has particularly
targeted Christian communities, creating additional
friction between the Muslim-majority north and the
Christian-majority south. This has led to the further
polarization of communities, making it increasingly
difficult to foster national unity.
The political exploitation of ethnic and religious
divisions frequently leads to civil unrest, with violent
riots and clashes breaking out across various regions of
Nigeria. These ethnic and religious conflicts often occur
during politically sensitive periods, such as elections, or
in response to provocative acts. For example, the 2011
post-election violence saw ethno-religious tensions
escalate into widespread riots, particularly in the
northern parts of the country, where supporters of rival
political factions clashed along religious lines
(Adabembe & Adedayo, 2022). These clashes typically
undermine public safety and governance, as state and
local authorities struggle to maintain control and
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address the grievances that often fuel such violence.
Over time, the destabilizing effect of civil unrest has
contributed to a fragile state of governance, further
deepening insecurity and weakening trust in
government institutions.
The rise in criminal activities such as banditry,
kidnappings, and ritual killings is closely linked to the
socio-political environment fueled by ethno-religious
tensions. Banditry, particularly in the north-western
states like Zamfara and Katsina, has escalated in recent
years, with armed groups exploiting local ethnic
divisions to carry out violent attacks on rural
communities. These criminal groups, often ethnic
militias, have gained significant influence and control
over large areas of the country, terrorizing civilians and
taking advantage of the weak state presence in some
regions (A & Ekeng, 2023). Kidnapping for ransom has
become a lucrative business for these groups, with
high-profile abductions of schoolchildren and travelers
garnering national attention. These criminal activities
further destabilize the country and create a sense of
fear, contributing to the ongoing cycle of violence and
insecurity.
Regional Security Implications
The instability in Nigeria has broader implications for
regional security, particularly in the West African sub-
region. The proliferation of armed groups, such as
Boko Haram and its affiliates, has led to increased
cross-border movements of militants and criminal
elements. Armed groups operating in the Lake Chad
Basin area, including Chad, Cameroon, and Niger, have
been known to exploit the porous borders and lack of
effective regional coordination to stage attacks across
these nations (Udeh & Nwokorobia, 2022). These
cross-border movements of militants exacerbate
regional security challenges, as neighboring countries
struggle to contain the spread of violence and curb the
activities of transnational terror networks. The
growing presence of these groups in the region also
threatens to destabilize already fragile states, further
compounding the security challenges facing the entire
West African region.
Ongoing violence in Nigeria has led to significant
displacement, creating a refugee crisis that affects
neighboring countries. As insurgent groups like Boko
Haram and ISWAP continue their campaigns, millions
of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes,
seeking refuge in neighboring countries such as
Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. This mass displacement
strains the resources and infrastructures of these
countries, creating a humanitarian crisis that is difficult
to manage (Babajide et al., 2024). The refugee flows
also have political implications, as neighboring
countries face challenges in accommodating large
numbers of displaced persons while attempting to
maintain their own security. Additionally, the
movement of militants and weapons across borders
complicates efforts to address regional security threats
and stabilize the region.
Impact on Economic Development
The pervasive insecurity in Nigeria has a profound
impact on its economic development. Both local and
foreign investors are deterred by the high risks
associated with operating in a volatile security
environment. The constant threat of terrorism,
kidnappings, and inter-communal violence has made
Nigeria an unattractive destination for investment.
Consequently, vital sectors such as agriculture,
manufacturing, and infrastructure development face
significant setbacks, with limited access to capital and
resources (Adabembe & Adedayo, 2022). Furthermore,
the lack of a stable and secure environment hampers
Nigeria's ability to diversify its economy away from oil
dependency, making it vulnerable to global economic
shocks and limiting its prospects for sustainable growth.
The cost of insecurity is not only felt by investors but
also by businesses operating within the country. The
need for increased security measures, including private
security personnel, surveillance systems, and insurance,
adds substantial operational costs for companies. These
increased costs are often passed on to consumers,
contributing to inflation and rising unemployment rates
(Udeh & Nwokorobia, 2022). Additionally, the
destruction of infrastructure and the disruption of
supply chains caused by violence have long-lasting
economic consequences. The cumulative effect of these
disruptions hampers Nigeria's ability to achieve
sustained economic growth and development.
Human Rights Violations
Millions of Nigerians have been displaced due to the
violence associated with political and ethno-religious
tensions. Displacement often leads to dire humanitarian
conditions, with refugees and internally displaced
persons (IDPs) lacking access to basic services like
healthcare, education, and adequate housing (Babajide
et al., 2024). The displacement crisis is further
exacerbated by the inadequate response of both the
Nigerian government and international organizations,
leaving vulnerable populations to fend for themselves.
Moreover, displacement exacerbates ethnic and
religious tensions, as displaced groups often face
stigmatization or persecution in their new locations,
leading to further cycles of violence and instability.
The targeted violence against specific communities
based on their ethnic or religious identity is a significant
human rights concern. From the mass killings of
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Christians by Boko Haram to the attacks on Muslims by
ethnic militias in the Middle Belt, Nigeria has witnessed
widespread violations of human rights. These acts of
violence often lead to extrajudicial killings, forced
disappearances, and sexual violence, undermining the
protection of civilians and further deepening ethnic
and religious divides (Nakanda et al., 2024).
Theoretical Review
Marxist and Neo-Marxist Perspectives
Marxist theory, developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels, emphasizes class struggle as the primary driver
of social, economic, and political developments.
Classical Marxism views ethnicity and religion as tools
used by ruling classes to obscure class consciousness
among the proletariat. This diversion prevents workers
from uniting against the bourgeoisie by fostering
divisions along ethno-religious lines (Marx & Engels,
1848). Marx criticized religion as "the opium of the
people," a mechanism through which the ruling class
pacifies the masses to maintain the status quo. Neo-
Marxist and post-Marxist theorists, extend classical
Marxism to consider ethno-religious mobilizations in
postcolonial contexts (Mayer 2016; Nnoli 2008). Neo-
Marxists argue that these mobilizations are often
responses to systemic inequalities, feudalistic
structures, and capitalist exploitation in developing
societies. They emphasize that such mobilizations are
not merely diversions but, in some instances,
revolutionary acts against entrenched structures of
oppression.
In Nigeria, the Marxist framework highlights the
complex interplay between ethnicity, religion, and
class. Nigeria’s historical and socio
-economic
landscape
—
marked by colonialism, exploitation of
resources, and entrenched regional inequalities
—
has
created fertile ground for ethno-religious conflicts. The
ruling elites and capitalist interests exploit ethnic and
religious identities to maintain economic control,
suppress political dissent, and manipulate electoral
outcomes (Nnoli, 2008; Osaghae & Suberu, 2005). Neo-
Marxists argue that such exploitation fuels grassroots
movements and resistance, as seen in the Niger Delta
militancy and insurgencies in northern Nigeria (Mayer,
2016; Egwu, 2011). Colonial policies in Nigeria laid the
foundation
for
ethno-religious
tensions
by
institutionalizing divisions between ethnic groups and
regions. British indirect rule exploited existing ethnic
hierarchies,
favoring
certain
groups
while
marginalizing others. This created systemic disparities
in access to education, infrastructure, and political
power, leading to deeply entrenched inequalities that
persist today. Marxist theory explains this historical
dynamic as a deliberate strategy to perpetuate the
dominance of colonial elites and their successors in
postcolonial Nigeria (Nnoli, 2008).
Marxist analysis elucidates how economic inequalities
intersect with ethnic and religious affiliations, creating
patterns of exclusion and resistance. For instance, the
Boko Haram insurgency reflects the grievances of
marginalized communities in northern Nigeria, who
perceive the state as complicit in their economic
deprivation (Nnoli, 2006; Mayer, 2016). Similarly, the
Niger Delta conflict illustrates how capitalist
exploitation of
natural
resources marginalizes
indigenous populations while enriching multinational
corporations and political elites. Religious affiliations
have also been manipulated to serve capitalist and
political interests. Political elites exploit religious
sentiments to mobilize support during elections, often
exacerbating divisions. For example, the competition
between predominantly Muslim northern Nigeria and
Christian southern Nigeria is framed through religious
lenses, diverting attention from the underlying
economic disparities (Egwu, 2011).
The Marxist perspective underscores the role of
systemic inequalities in fueling insecurity. Ethno-
religious mobilizations disrupt national cohesion,
leading to violence, insurgency, and terrorism. Groups
like Boko Haram and the Indigenous People of Biafra
(IPOB) challenge the legitimacy of the Nigerian state,
reflecting widespread dissatisfaction with its failure to
address economic and social inequities (Osaghae &
Suberu, 2005). These conflicts undermine governance
and weaken state institutions, making Nigeria
vulnerable to external threats and internal collapse.
Marxist analysis advocates structural reforms to address
the root causes of inequality and exploitation. These
include equitable resource distribution, regional
development programs, and dismantling ethno-
religious
patronage
networks.
Empowering
marginalized
communities
through
education,
healthcare, and infrastructure development is critical to
fostering national cohesion and reducing tensions (Ake,
1981; Watts, 2004).
Functionalist Theory
Functionalist theory, developed by Émile Durkheim and
further advanced by Talcott Parsons and Robert K.
Merton, emphasizes the role of social institutions in
maintaining societal stability. Functionalists view ethnic
and religious groups as critical agents of socialization,
shaping norms, values, and political culture (Durkheim,
1912; Parsons, 1951). These groups contribute to the
integration and cohesion of society by fostering shared
identities and collective action. However, functionalist
theory also warns that disruptions within these groups
can destabilize societal harmony. Merton’s concept of
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dysfunction highlights how social institutions can
contribute to conflict when they fail to fulfill their
intended roles or when they become subverted for
selfish purposes (Merton, 1968). In the Nigerian
context, ethnic and religious groups have both
integrative and disruptive potentials, depending on
how they are mobilized and managed.
Functionalist theory explains the historical role of
ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria as agents of
cultural preservation and political mobilization. During
the colonial era, these groups were instrumental in
resisting colonial exploitation and advocating for
independence. However, the colonial policy of divide-
and-rule disrupted their integrative function, creating
antagonistic identities that undermined national unity.
In contemporary Nigeria, the functionalist framework
elucidates how the politicization of ethnic and religious
groups undermines social cohesion. Political elites
manipulate these groups to gain electoral advantages,
often exacerbating divisions. Communal conflicts, such
as those between herders and farmers, illustrate how
the failure of traditional institutions to mediate
disputes leads to violence (Olaniyan & Omotola, 2015;
Egwu, 2011).
The functionalist approach also highlights the role of
ethno-religious groups in shaping political culture. For
instance, religious organizations play a significant role
in voter mobilization, advocacy, and policy influence.
However, their involvement often polarizes the
electorate, creating a zero-sum dynamic that threatens
national stability (Freeman, 2020). Functionalist theory
underscores the security threats posed by the
dysfunction of ethno-religious groups. When these
groups are mobilized for parochial interests, they
disrupt the state’s ability to maintain order and
security. The proliferation of armed militias, such as
the Oodua People’s Congress
and Arewa Youth
Consultative Forum, reflects the erosion of state
authority and the rise of alternative power centers
(Omotola & Alumona, 2016; Oshita et al., 2019).
Moreover, functionalist analysis reveals how inter-
group conflicts undermine economic development. For
example, persistent violence in the Middle Belt region
disrupts agricultural production, contributing to food
insecurity and economic stagnation (Olaniyan &
Omotola, 2015). These disruptions weaken national
resilience, making Nigeria more susceptible to external
threats and internal collapse. Functionalist theory
advocates strengthening social institutions to enhance
their integrative functions. This includes promoting
interfaith and interethnic dialogue, fostering inclusive
governance, and supporting traditional conflict
resolution mechanisms. Policies that prioritize cultural
pluralism and national identity over sectionalism are
essential to building a cohesive society (Omotola &
Alumona, 2016; Osaghae, 2001). Investing in education
and civic programs that emphasize shared values and
national unity can also reduce tensions. Functionalist
solutions align with the objectives of this study by
addressing the structural and cultural factors
contributing to Nigeria’s ethno
-religious conflicts.
Empirical Review
Research into Nigeria's ethno-religious conflicts reveal
complex, interconnected drivers shaped by historical
legacies, socio-economic inequalities, and political
manipulations. Ayinla (2024) examines how ethno-
religious identity contestations hinder national
development. Employing historical and descriptive
methodologies, the study highlights the colonial legacy
of division and resource competition as critical drivers
of conflict. Ayinla proposes Islamic principles as a
mechanism for resolving identity crises, aligning with
Orngu's (2018) assertion that understanding historical
dynamics is crucial for fostering peaceful coexistence.
Both works emphasize that colonial policies
institutionalized ethnic and religious divisions, leaving a
legacy that perpetuates Nigeria's current challenges.
Ugorji (2017) uses postcolonial and social conflict
theories to explore the connections between historical
events such as the Nigerian Civil War and the rise of
Boko Haram, arguing that colonial amalgamation
exacerbated ethnic and religious tensions. Similarly,
Osadola (2012) adopts content analysis to analyze how
colonial policies intensified ethnic rivalries, concluding
that prioritizing local and ethnic interests over national
cohesion remains a significant obstacle to unity.
Recent studies explore how systemic exclusion, dual
governance structures, and political manipulation
perpetuate contemporary ethno-religious tensions. Eze
et al. (2024) highlight systematic exclusion and the dual
governance system as central factors sustaining
conflicts, echoing Orngu's (2018) observations about
colonial religious policies’ lingering effects on Nigeria's
fragile unity. Adenuga et al. (2023) quantify the alarming
scale of conflicts during the Fourth Republic, noting over
2,811 ethnic conflicts and 3,703 religious conflicts
between 1999 and 2021. These studies highlight the
devastating impacts of these tensions on national
security and development, framing them as
multidimensional and deeply entrenched.
Religious extremism, particularly Boko Haram's
insurgency, has received significant scholarly attention.
Mshelia (2024) traces the roots of Boko Haram to
colonial and postcolonial political neglect, arguing that
socio-economic grievances and historical injustices have
fueled the group's radicalization. Nakanda et al. (2024)
emphasize the devastating effects of Boko Haram’s
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activities, including mass displacement, property
destruction, and loss of life. The group’s actions
illustrate how religious extremism intersects with
socio-economic and political contexts, posing severe
threats to national security.
Ethnic and religious identities are often exploited
during elections, exacerbating tensions and leading to
violence. Chigbu et al. (2024) argue that "religious
othering" during elections intensifies divisions, turning
electoral processes into battlegrounds for ethno-
religious rivalries. Adenuga et al. (2023) support this,
documenting the significant number of conflicts
directly linked to electoral violence, further illustrating
how ethno-religious identities shape Nigeria's political
environment.
Competition over resources, particularly land and
water, remains a significant driver of ethno-religious
conflicts. Chigbu et al. (2024) examine farmer-herder
clashes, noting their framing as ethnic and religious
conflicts, with predominantly Muslim Fulani herders
clashing with Christian or indigenous ethnic farmers.
Adenuga et al. (2023) detail the scale and intensity of
these conflicts, highlighting their roots in resource
competition but also their exploitation by political
elites to further divisive agendas. These conflicts have
resulted in thousands of fatalities and widespread
displacement, necessitating effective resolution
strategies.
Political corruption exacerbates ethno-religious
tensions
by
perpetuating
inequality
and
marginalization. Sarafa and Monday (2024) link
corruption to the unequal distribution of resources,
which fosters feelings of disenfranchisement and
injustice among certain ethnic and religious groups.
This exclusion fuels violent protests and support for
extremist groups, undermining public trust in
government institutions. The authors advocate for
anti-corruption measures and equitable governance to
address these issues and restore stability.
The displacement caused by ethno-religious conflicts
has worsened national security challenges. Babajide et
al. (2024) analyze the impact of IDPs in regions like
northwest
and
north-central
Nigeria,
finding
inadequate governmental responses that exacerbate
tensions between displaced groups and host
communities. These dynamics often lead to increased
discrimination and violence, further destabilizing
affected regions.
Nigeria’s porous borders contribute significantly to the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons,
exacerbating insecurity. Udeh and Nwokorobia (2022)
critique the government's border security policies,
including border closures, for their unintended
economic consequences and limited success in curbing
illegal arms smuggling. The authors propose modern
security technologies and adherence to regional trade
protocols as balanced solutions to these challenges.
Effiom (2023) argues that while ethnic diversity is not
inherently a threat, its political exploitation exacerbates
divisions. Politicians leverage ethnic and sectarian
identities to maintain power, fueling terrorism,
banditry, and other criminal activities. The study
advocates for inter-ethnic dialogue and proactive
conflict resolution strategies to address these deep-
rooted divisions.
Historical Case Studies of Political and Ethno-Religious
Conflicts in Nigeria
1. The Kano Ethnic Riots of 1953
The Kano Ethnic Riots of 1953 marked the first
significant ethno-religious conflict in the city since its
capture by British colonial forces in 1903. The conflict
occurred between the indigenous Kanawa population
and the Sabon Gari settlers, who comprised mainly
Southern Nigerians and some foreign nationals. British
colonial policies, which deliberately segregated these
groups to prevent alliances that could challenge colonial
rule, were central to fostering mutual suspicion and
animosity between the two communities (Albert, 2013).
Tensions heightened following a disagreement in the
House of Representatives in Lagos over the proposed
1956 date for Nigerian independence. Southern
politicians supported the motion, but Northern leaders,
concerned about their region's lack of educated
personnel to govern effectively, rejected it. In response,
the Action Group (AG), a Southern-based political party,
launched an independence campaign in Kano in March
1953. This act was perceived as provocative by Northern
leaders and the Emir of Kano, who organized a peaceful
protest against the AG. However, this protest escalated
into violent clashes between Northern residents and
Sabon Gari settlers, who were seen as sympathizers of
Southern political interests. Between May 15 and May
18, 1953, the conflict claimed at least 30 lives and
injured 241 people (Thompson, 2004). The event
exemplifies how colonial-induced ethnic divisions and
regional political disputes could ignite violence, setting
a precedent for future conflicts in Nigeria.
2. The 1966 Military Coup
Nigeria's first military coup, executed on January 15,
1966, was orchestrated primarily by Igbo military
officers. The coup led to the assassination of prominent
Northern leaders, including Prime Minister Sir Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa and Northern Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello,
as well as several Western regional leaders and military
officers (Lugga, 2007). In the aftermath, General
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Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, assumed leadership of
the country. The coup exacerbated ethnic tensions,
especially in Northern Nigeria, where it was viewed as
an Igbo-led conspiracy against Northern dominance.
The subsequent Unification Decree of 1966, issued by
Iron
si, abolished Nigeria’s federal structure in favor of
a centralized administration. Northerners perceived
this decree as an attempt to consolidate power within
Igbo-controlled regions, intensifying their sense of
marginalization (Lugga, 2007). Violent demonstrations
against the decree erupted in March 1966, culminating
in the massacre of thousands of Igbos in Northern
Nigeria. The situation further deteriorated when
Ironsi's government was overthrown in July 1966 by
Northern military officers led by General Yakubu
Gowon. The coup reflected deep-seated ethnic
resentments and set the stage for the Nigerian Civil
War, highlighting how political mismanagement and
ethnic biases could destabilize national unity.
3. The Maitatsine Riots of 1980
The Maitatsine riots were sparked by the radical
teachings of Muhammadu Marwa, a Cameroonian-
born Islamic preacher. Known as "Maitatsine," Marwa
rejected orthodox Islamic doctrines, including the
Hadith and Sunnah, and even declared the Prophet
Muhammad an impostor. He gained a significant
following among disillusioned and economically
marginalized youths in Kano. In December 1980,
Marwa’s followers initiated a revolt that escalated into
widespread violence. The conflict began when police
officers attempting to arrest a preacher near
Maitatsine's headquarters were ambushed. Armed
with rudimentary weapons such as bows, arrows, and
swords, Maitatsine's followers attacked civilians and
law enforcement. Over the course of the conflict, 4,177
people were killed, including Marwa himself (Isichei,
1987). The violence extended beyond Kano. In 1982,
similar uprisings occurred in Balumkutu near
Maiduguri, resulting in over 3,000 deaths. Subsequent
clashes in Rigassa near Kaduna and Yola in 1984 caused
hundreds of fatalities and significant property
destruction. The Maitatsine riots underscore how
socio-economic grievances, combined with religious
extremism, can fuel large-scale violence, destabilizing
national security across multiple regions.
4. The Kafanchan Crisis of 1987
The Kafanchan crisis, originating at the Kafanchan
College of Education, illustrates the intersection of
religious disputes and communal violence. On March
5, 1987, the Christian student organization Fellowship
of Christian Students (FCS) organized an evangelical
event titled "Mission 87." Tensions arose when a
banner reading “Welcome to Mission 87 in Jesus
Campus” was displayed, sparking objections from
Muslim students (Ibrahim, 1989). The situation
escalated on March 6, 1987, when Abubakar Bako, a
former Muslim turned Christian preacher, was accused
of misinterpreting Quranic verses and denouncing the
Prophet Muhammad. This led to violent clashes on
campus, which quickly spread to Kafanchan town.
Muslim youths, incited by members of the Muslim
Student Society (MSS), engaged in protests that turned
into violent confrontations. By March 9, the unrest had
evolved into a full-scale conflict between Christian and
Muslim residents, resulting in 19 deaths, the destruction
of 152 churches, five mosques, and extensive damage to
property (Ibrahim, 1989). The Kafanchan crisis extended
to other towns, including Zaria, Katsina, and Kaduna,
demonstrating how localized religious disputes can
spiral into broader ethno-religious conflicts with far-
reaching consequences.
5. The Zangon Kataf Crisis of 1992
The Zangon Kataf crisis was rooted in long-standing
disputes between the predominantly Christian Kataf
and the Muslim Hausa communities in Kaduna State.
Tensions reached a tipping point when the Kataf-
dominated local government proposed relocating the
Zangon market to a new site in Kataf territory. Hausa
residents opposed the move, arguing that the proposed
site was traditionally used for Eid prayers and accusing
the local government of undermining their economic
dominance (Lugga, 2007). In February 1992, violence
erupted during Friday prayers when Kataf youths
attacked the Hausa community. The initial skirmishes
quickly escalated into a full-blown conflict, resulting in
over 90 deaths, 250 injuries, and the destruction of 133
houses and 26 farmlands (Lugga, 2007). The crisis
highlighted the intertwined nature of political,
economic, and religious grievances, as well as the role
of local governance decisions in exacerbating ethno-
religious tensions.
Contemporary Manifestations of Political and Ethno-
religious, and Political Tensions
Emergence and Activities of the Indigenous People of
Biafra (IPOB)
The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), founded in 2012
by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, seeks the secession of the
southeastern region of Nigeria to re-establish the state
of Biafra. Emerging as a successor to groups like the
Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State
of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Biafran Zionist Movement
(BZM), IPOB primarily promotes the Igbo people's right
to self-determination through peaceful means such as
referendums (Jacob et al, 2020). The group attributes its
resurgence to the Nigerian government’s failure to
implement transitional justice after the Nigerian Civil
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War (1967-1970) (Ekpo & Agorye, 2019).
IPOB's activities gained prominence in 2015, following
the election of President Muhammadu Buhari. The
arrest of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu, in October 2015,
triggered widespread protests. Amnesty International
reported that government crackdowns on IPOB
demonstrations between 2015 and 2016 resulted in
over 170 deaths and numerous injuries, often involving
excessive use of force (Ekpo & Agorye, 2018). In 2017,
IPOB was officially designated as a terrorist
organization by the Nigerian government following
violent con
frontations and the launch of IPOB’s
security arm, the Biafra Security Service (BSS). This
designation was controversial, with critics arguing that
IPOB's activities did not meet the criteria outlined in
Nigeria's 2011 Terrorism Act (Ekpo & Agorye, 2018).
Since 2021, IPOB’s sit
-at-home orders have become a
significant form of protest, aimed at pressuring the
Nigerian government to release Kanu. These orders
paralyze economic activities in southeastern Nigeria,
as residents remain indoors out of fear or solidarity
(Mark et al., 2022). While some view this as a form of
peaceful
resistance,
others,
including
state
governments,
criticize
its
socio-economic
consequences, such as lost productivity and disrupted
transportation networks (Ejikendu, 2022). The sit-at-
home orders have had adverse effects on the
Southeast’s economy, with small and medium
-sized
enterprises (SMEs) and transport systems bearing the
brunt (Ibeanu et al., 2016). Educational institutions
have also been severely affected, with repeated
closures disrupting learning schedules. Critics argue
that while IPOB's actions highlight grievances, they
exacerbate economic and social hardships in the
region (Osita et al., 2022).
Niger Delta Militancy
Militancy in the Niger Delta has roots in long-standing
grievances categorized as remote and immediate
causes. Remote causes include environmental
degradation, underdevelopment, marginalization, and
oppressive legislation such as the Petroleum Act of
1969 and the Land Use Act of 1978. The execution of
environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa in 1995 also
fueled regional discontent (Ebienfa, 2011). Immediate
causes involve the militarization of the Niger Delta, the
"Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha" program, oil
bunkering by local youths, and political manipulation,
especially during the 1999 elections. These factors
radicalized Niger Delta youths leading to militant
actions (Ukiwo, 2009).
The "Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha" program
marked a turning point. During this initiative, Niger
Delta youths, upon visiting Abuja, were shocked by the
wealth disparity and infrastructural development
financed by oil revenue from their region. This exposure
deepened their sense of deprivation, sparking protests
and eventually the militant-driven Kaiama Declaration
of 1998 (Ebienfa, 2011). Militancy in the Niger Delta
emerged as a violent response to political and economic
grievances. While some groups initially sought justice
through peaceful means, they transitioned to militancy
when these efforts failed. Militancy became a tool for
advocating resource control and regional development,
but over time, criminality infiltrated the movement.
The Niger Delta has witnessed various typologies of
militant groups. Resource-agitator militants, initially
driven by the exploitation of the region's resources,
emerged from peaceful protests (Tobor, 2014). Political-
thug militancy evolved from election-related violence,
with politicians arming youths who later turned to
criminal activities (Ebienfa, 2011). Cult-group militancy
rooted in university fraternities leveraged political
patronage for electoral violence and expanded into oil
theft and kidnapping. Finally, community/ethnic-
warlord militancy arose from the defense of land and
resources, with leaders eventually engaging in broader
militant activities. These diverse groups have had severe
environmental consequences, with oil spills from
sabotage and routine operations causing widespread
damage to ecosystems (Ebienfa, 2011). The 2009
Amnesty Program, while successful in reducing violence
and reintegrating some militants (Egwemi, 2010;
Oluwaniyi, 2011), has been criticized for failing to
address the root causes of the conflict, such as
environmental degradation and youth unemployment
(Aghedo, 2012; Aghedo, 2015).
The Boko Haram Insurgency
The origins of Boko Haram, a Salafi jihadist group, have
been linked to various historical and ideological
contexts in northeastern Nigeria. One narrative traces
its roots to the reformist movement Jama‘at izalat al
-
bid‘a wa
-iqamat al-sunna, established in 1978 in Jos,
Nigeria, by Malam Isma’ila Idris. The movement sought
to preserve Islamic values amidst modernization in the
northern region. Mohammed Yusuf, a follower of
Salafist teachings under the Yan Izala movement and
Ja‘afar Mahmud Adam, eventually diverged du
e to
ideological differences, rejecting modern Islamic
schools and Western institutions. In 2002, Yusuf
founded Jama’atu Ahlus Sunna Lidda’awati Wal Jihad
(Boko Haram), advocating violent jihad to establish a
strict Islamic state (Amara, 2020; Anugwom, 2019).
Another account suggests Boko Haram's precursor was
the Shabaab Muslim Youth Organization, founded in
1995 in Maiduguri, Borno State, by Abubakar Lawan.
Leadership transitioned to Yusuf in 2002, who
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radicalized the group’s ideology and practices.
Regardless of its origins, Boko Haram emerged under
Yusuf’s leadership as a militant group rejecting
Western education and advocating for the
replacement of Nigeria’s secular system with an Islamic
one (Ekhomu, 2019; Onuoha, 2014). The group’s
violent confrontation with Nigerian security forces
began in July 2009 after a clash with police escalated
into widespread violence across Bauchi, Kano, Yobe,
and Borno states. Over 700 Boko Haram members,
including Yusuf, were killed during the uprising. Yusuf's
extrajudicial killing by police catalyzed the group's
transformation under Abubakar Shekau, Yusuf’s
deputy. Shekau intensified attacks on civilian and
government targets, including the 2010 Bauchi prison
break, the 2011 U.N. building bombing in Abuja, and
the 2014 kidnapping of over 270 Chibok schoolgirls
(Blanchard, 2016).
Boko Haram’s operations expanded beyond Nigeria
into Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, destabilizing the Lake
Chad Basin. The insurgency has caused over 37,500
deaths, displaced 2.5 million people, and created more
than 244,000 refugees since 2011 (Council on Foreign
Relations, 2020). In 2016, the group split into two
factions: the original Boko Haram led by Shekau,
targeting civilians, and the Islamic State in West Africa
Province (ISWAP), which prioritizes military targets
(International Crisis Group, 2019). Boko Haram’s
ideology is rooted in Salafi Jihadism, which promotes a
return to early Islamic practices and justifies violent
rebellion to establish an Islamic state. Mohammed
Yusuf
rejected
Western
influence,
including
democracy, education, and Christianity, viewing these
as corrupt and antithetical to Islam. This ideology
evolved alongside grievances over socioeconomic and
political marginalization in northern Nigeria (Solomon,
2013).
The northeast’
s severe poverty, high unemployment,
and low literacy rates have fueled Boko Haram’s rise.
In 2012, poverty rates in the northeastern and
northwestern zones stood at 76.3% and 77.7%,
respectively, compared to the national average of 53%.
Educational disparities further exacerbated these
conditions, with literacy rates in Borno State below
15%, starkly contrasting with 92% in Lagos State
(Hoffman, 2014). The region’s lack of development
created fertile ground for radicalization and
recruitment (Edeh, 2011).
Boko Haram’s insurgency
has devastated communities and regional economies,
displacing millions and disrupting education and
healthcare. While counterterrorism efforts, including
military operations and international collaborations,
have weakened the group, its factions, particularly
ISWAP, continue to pose significant security threats.
The enduring conflict underscores the need to address
root causes, such as governance failures, economic
disparities, and regional underdevelopment, to achieve
lasting peace.
Farmer-Herder Clashes in Nigeria
Farmer-herder relations in Nigeria historically involved
a mutually beneficial relationship. Farmers relied on
manure from herders' livestock, while herders
benefited from crop residues and access to grazing
lands. The Fulani, Nigeria's predominant herding
community, have traditionally combined herding with
crop cultivation, challenging stereotypes of their solely
nomadic identity (Bello, 2013). Conflicts historically
arose during the rainy season when herding activities
overlapped with farming, causing farm trespasses and
crop damage. Pre-colonial systems, such as the RUGA
leadership, helped manage these disputes, but colonial
rule disrupted traditional governance structures,
favoring herders and complicating land access
(Davidheiser & Luna, 2008).
The escalating farmer-herder conflicts in Nigeria stem
from a complex interplay of factors. Increasing land
scarcity driven by urbanization, climate change, and
expanding agricultural activities has intensified
competition for resources. The diminishing availability
of communal grazing lands and the encroachment of
commercial crop production into traditional grazing
reserves have exacerbated tensions (Okello, 2014). The
southward movement of herders, primarily due to
environmental degradation and desertification in the
north, has brought them into contact with unfamiliar
territories and communities with distinct cultural
practices and land use patterns (Tonah, 2006).
Declining governance structures, weakened by military
rule and local government reforms, have undermined
the traditional authority of local leaders to mediate
disputes effectively (Onah & Okeke, 2017). The conflicts
have increasingly taken on an ethnic and religious
dimension, pitting predominantly Northern, Muslim
Fulani herders against Southern, Christian farmers. This
has fueled identity-based narratives and exacerbated
hostilities (Conroy, 2014). These conflicts have had
devastating consequences. They have resulted in the
loss of countless lives and the displacement of
thousands of people, disrupting livelihoods and
increasing dependency in affected communities
(Ofuoku & Isife, 2010). The destruction of crops and
degradation of land have significantly impacted
agricultural output, threatening food security and
hindering rural development (Ajibefun, 2018).
Furthermore, the proliferation of small arms and the
erosion of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms
have contributed to widespread social instability in
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The American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology
affected regions.
The Nigerian government has implemented various
measures to address these challenges. The National
Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP), launched in
2018, aims to promote ranching and provide resources
to modernize livestock practices and reduce open
grazing (Adisa, 2012). The RUGA initiative, while
controversial, sought to establish settlements for
herders with essential infrastructure (Adisa, 2012).
Several states have enacted anti-open grazing laws to
prevent land disputes, although their effectiveness is
limited by enforcement challenges and the lack of
alternative grazing options. Other proposed solutions
include educating herders on modern grazing
techniques, disarming those carrying weapons and
investing in the development of dedicated grazing
ranches across the country.
DISCUSSION
From the study’s findings, it is clear that political and
ethno-religious tensions in Nigeria stem from deeply
rooted historical dynamics and manifest in ways that
severely affect national security. The study finds that
the historical roots of Nigeria’s po
litical and ethno-
religious tensions lie in colonial-era policies that
institutionalized divisions. The amalgamation of
northern and southern regions in 1914 and the "divide-
and-rule" strategy employed by the colonial
administration fostered disparities in governance,
resource allocation, and intergroup relations. These
policies favored northern elites, leaving other regions
marginalized and planting the seeds for post-
independence conflicts. Case studies such as the
favoritism shown to northern leaders during colonial
times demonstrate how governance structures
entrenched inequalities that persist today. From a
theoretical perspective, Marxist and Neo-Marxist
frameworks highlight how colonialism exploited ethnic
and religious divisions to suppress class consciousness,
perpetuating systemic inequalities in post-colonial
Nigeria (Nnoli, 2008; Mayer, 2016). Functionalist
theory further explains how the disruption of
traditional systems weakened mechanisms for social
cohesion, leading to a fragile foundation for nation-
building. These findings align with previous research by
Ayinla (2024) and Orngu (2018), who identify
colonialism as the root cause of identity-based
rivalries. By connecting historical grievances to
contemporary challenges, this study emphasizes the
enduring influence of colonial boundaries on Nigeria's
political and socio-economic landscape.
The study also finds that, political and ethno-religious
tensions in contemporary Nigeria manifest primarily
through electoral violence, insurgencies, and resource-
based conflicts. Politicians exploit ethnic and religious
identities to mobilize support, creating cycles of hostility
and division. For instance, the 2011 post-election
violence, where ethnic and religious identities were
manipulated to incite unrest, illustrates how these
tensions escalate into widespread violence. Group
Conflict theory adds that competitive struggles for
dominance among ethnic and religious groups often
drive these tensions. Previous studies, such as those by
Adenuga et al. (2023) and Chigbu et al. (2024), also
document the role of identity politics in fueling electoral
violence. This study, however, expands on these
analyses by illustrating the intersection of historical
grievances with contemporary political strategies,
emphasizing the need for institutional reforms to
mitigate identity-based conflicts.
Furthermore, the study finds that political and ethno-
religious tensions have significant implications for
Nigeria’s national security, resulting in widespread
violence, displacement, and economic disruption.
Insurgencies such as Boko Haram and IPOB, along with
farmer-
herder conflicts, have undermined the nation’s
territorial integrity and governance capacity. For
example, the Boko Haram insurgency has led to over
37,500 deaths and displaced more than 2.5 million
people in the Lake Chad Basin, destabilizing not only
northeastern Nigeria but also neighboring countries.
From a Functionalist perspective, these security
challenges illustrate the state’s inability to fulfill its core
responsibilities, such as maintaining order and
protecting citizens. Marxist analysis further underscores
how governance structures that prioritize elite interests
exacerbate marginalization and foster resistance
movements. Studies by Mshelia (2024) and Nakanda et
al. (2024) echo these findings, highlighting the socio-
economic and humanitarian crises caused by
insurgencies. By integrating theoretical insights, this
study provides a comprehensive understanding of how
systemic governance failures perpetuate insecurity,
emphasizing the need for holistic solutions that address
root causes.
The study finds that addressing political and ethno-
religious tensions in Nigeria requires a multifaceted
approach, including addressing historical grievances,
promoting equitable resource distribution, and
implementing sustainable policies. Initiatives like the
National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP) and anti-
open grazing laws have shown promise but face
challenges in execution due to mistrust among
stakeholders and poor implementation. Case studies,
such as the Niger Delta Amnesty Program, reveal the
limitations of short-term solutions that fail to address
underlying issues like socio-economic inequality and
environmental degradation. The Functionalist theory
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The American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology
supports
rebuilding
social
cohesion
through
integrative policies and inclusive governance. While
previous studies, such as Aghedo (2012) and Hinshaw
(2012), critique the amnesty program for its focus on
pacification over structural reform, this study
advocates for comprehensive approaches that address
both immediate and systemic issues. By incorporating
historical, political, and socio-economic dimensions,
the study offers a roadmap for sustainable peace and
national stability.
CONCLUSION
From the findings, the study concludes that Nigeria's
political and ethno-religious tensions are deeply
rooted in historical injustices stemming from colonial
policies, exacerbated by contemporary political
manipulation, resource competition, and systemic
inequalities. These tensions manifest in forms such as
electoral violence, insurgencies, and farmer-herder
conflicts, significantly undermining national security
and stability. The study highlights the failure of
governance structures to address these issues
effectively, perpetuating cycles of marginalization and
violence.
Applying theoretical perspectives such as Marxist and
Neo-Marxist frameworks and Functionalist theory, the
research demonstrates that these tensions are both a
consequence of historical legacies and a reflection of
governance deficiencies. Addressing them requires not
just immediate interventions but also structural
reforms that tackle the underlying causes. The study
underscores the urgent need for inclusive governance,
equitable resource distribution, and sustainable
conflict-resolution mechanisms to achieve long-term
peace and stability.
Recommendations
To address Nigeria's political and ethno-religious
tensions and bolster national security, the study
recommends the establishment of a national
reconciliation commission to facilitate dialogue and
address historical grievances, complemented by civic
education campaigns to promote unity and reduce
divisive rhetoric. These efforts aim to foster national
healing and reconciliation among Nigeria's diverse
groups.
Institutional
reforms
are
critical,
including
decentralizing
governance
to
empower
local
governments and reduce disparities in representation
and development. Policies should also depoliticize
ethnic and religious identities, particularly during
elections, to prevent manipulation by political elites.
Addressing economic inequalities is vital for reducing
tensions. This includes frameworks for equitable
resource distribution in marginalized regions like the
northeast and Niger Delta, alongside initiatives to create
youth employment opportunities that address
grievances and reduce the appeal of insurgent
recruitment.
Enhancing security frameworks is essential. Increased
funding and training for security forces, coupled with
community
policing,
can
improve
trust
and
collaboration between local communities and security
agencies. This approach ensures conflicts are managed
effectively while minimizing human rights violations.
Engaging diverse stakeholders is necessary for effective
policy implementation. Civil society and religious
leaders should be included in decision-making processes
to build trust, while conflict-resolution programs like the
Niger Delta Amnesty Program should be regularly
monitored and evaluated for improvements.
Promoting interfaith and interethnic harmony can
reduce societal tensions. Interfaith dialogues and
cultural exchange programs should be facilitated to
foster understanding and unity among Nigeria's various
groups. Finally, legislative enforcement, such as passing
anti-open grazing laws and strengthening land use
policies, can address land and resource disputes,
ensuring fairness and preventing future conflicts.
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