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CHEAP BREAD FOR EUROPEANS, EXPENSIVE FOR MUSLIMS:
SOCIAL WELFARE OF THE UZBEK PEOPLE, 1917–1940
Siddiqov Mirshod Baxtiyorovich
1
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15526323
Introduction.
As a result of the colonial policy pursued by the Russian
Empire, the Turkestan region endured severe economic hardships. The region’s
economy was subordinated to the interests of the Russian state, leading to the
deterioration of the population’s material well-being. During the First World War,
the conscription of Turkestan's population for labor duties (mardikorlik) and the
redirection of the local economy toward the needs of the front significantly
intensified social problems. Between 1917 and 1940, the policies implemented by
both Tsarist and Soviet authorities often prioritized the needs of Russian settlers
over the indigenous Muslim population. Government regulations and rationing
systems frequently failed to ensure equitable access to food, resulting in
widespread famine, malnutrition, and mortality. Archival records and
contemporary accounts indicate that systemic corruption, lack of administrative
oversight, and mismanagement in the distribution of flour and bread exacerbated
the crisis. In many cases, bread of poor quality was sold at inflated prices, while
rural populations were left without adequate provisions.
Method.
This study employs a historical-analytical method to examine the
socio-economic conditions and food supply policies implemented in Turkestan
and the Uzbek SSR between 1917 and 1940. The research focuses on the causes
and consequences of famine, the distribution of bread, and the functioning of
public supply systems under Soviet rule. It also analyzes the disparities in
treatment between ethnic groups and the inefficiencies in resource allocation. In
collecting and interpreting data, the study relies on the documentary method,
using archival materials, official reports, congress speeches, and contemporary
accounts from political figures and public officials of the time. This approach
allows for a comprehensive understanding of the systemic issues and socio-
political context that shaped public welfare policies. In addition, a comparative
method is applied to highlight differences in treatment between the indigenous
Muslim population and European settlers, particularly in terms of food pricing
and access to basic necessities. Quantitative data (such as bread prices, ration
quantities, and production figures) are also incorporated to support the
qualitative analysis.
1
PhD student, Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Institute of History, Tashkent, Uzbekistan
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Results and Discussion.
A reduction in cultivated land and a sharp increase
in food prices led to widespread famine. For instance, in 1916, the average price
of one pood (approximately 16.38 kg) of bread in Turkestan was 2 rubles 50
kopecks; by 1917, it had skyrocketed to 81 rubles. As prices continued to rise
dramatically and grain supplies from Russia diminished, the daily bread ration for
urban residents was reduced to 200 grams, while rural populations were
effectively forced into self-sufficiency. Bread shortages became increasingly
severe, and famine-stricken people were often compelled to consume various
wild plants for sustenance.
Although a ration card system for bread and other foodstuffs was introduced
in 1917 to prevent famine, it failed to produce the expected results. This was
largely due to the Bolsheviks’ preferential support for Russians living in newly
established cities, while only surplus resources were allocated to residents of
older cities in the region. Describing this social policy, Ghozi Yunus wrote: "In
1917–1918, while the starving people of Turkestan sold their household
belongings and perished by the dozens and hundreds around Orenburg, Oktepa,
and Poysan from hunger, the authorities of these places, instead of establishing
aid societies for the hungry, would seize the poor Turkestanis' remaining 1–2
poods of grain by force."
However, these organizations primarily focused their attention not on the
interests of the local population, but rather on the needs of newly arrived settlers
suffering from hunger. Notably, Musakhanov’s speech at the 7th Congress of the
Turkestan ASSR (March 7, 1919) highlights this disparity: “While Europeans were
given half a qadok of bread, we were allocated only a quarter. Moreover, goods
and food products were sold to us at different prices. Whereas Europeans paid 80
kopecks for one qadok of bread and 30 rubles for one qadok of tea, Muslims had
to pay 1 ruble 75 kopecks for the same amount of bread and 50 rubles for tea.”
The Soviet government’s social welfare policies between 1924 and 1940
largely continued the discriminatory practices of earlier years. In areas such as
public welfare, education, healthcare, employment for the disabled, and the
pension system, serious shortcomings were evident. In particular, socio-
economic measures aimed at eliminating private ownership in the Uzbek SSR—
such as land and water reforms and the collectivization of agriculture—further
worsened the standard of living. These policies led to the complete dissolution of
large landowners’ estates, severely restricted the economic capabilities of the
population, and deprived them of access to social welfare.
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During this period, the population's demand for food increased significantly.
In particular, in Andijan, a free market for bread had not yet been established. The
quality of bread was poor, and only low-grade dark bread was available in the
markets. Despite government regulations prohibiting the sale of more than one
kilogram of bread per person, violations were frequently reported: some sellers
sold individuals one or even two loaves, or as many as 5 to 10 loaves of bread.
This led to an increase in speculative trading at the markets. Private vendors
would transport bread from stores with ample supply and resell it at higher prices
in government outlets, where bread was in short supply and demand was high.
There were also instances of arbitrary price inflation. For example, in Store
No. 33 in Samarkand, bread priced at 90 kopecks was sold for 1 ruble. Moreover,
not all areas had access to bread stores. When deciding where to open new stores,
authorities prioritized locations based on workplace proximity rather than
residential concentration. As a result, some shops located near workplaces
remained idle, while long queues of 20 to 25 people formed outside stores in
residential areas. In Margilan, although the daily requirement was 26 tons of
bread to meet public demand, only 13 tons were being produced. This shortfall
was attributed to the lack of oversight over free bread distribution and significant
violations in allocation practices.
In addition, bread store operating hours often failed to align with public
needs, forcing many people to resort to purchasing bread from kolkhoz (collective
farm) markets. The quality of bread also failed to meet acceptable standards,
mainly due to the poor quality of flour supplied—only 20% of which was first-
grade. Furthermore, hygiene standards were poorly maintained in both bakeries
and shops. About 96% of flour was used without being properly sifted. In some
instances, foul-smelling coal was used instead of firewood, negatively affecting
bread quality. Bread baked with coal heat developed a crusted exterior while
remaining undercooked inside. Despite being aware of the situation, the head of
the Bread Control Authority, Markat, was reported to have remarked
dismissively, “Customers will buy the dough anyway.” Consequently, the bread
produced by this bakery remained unsold for five to six days and became stale on
store shelves.
The lack of oversight in bread distribution led to widespread disorder. For
example, six sacks of flour allocated by the supply department of the Orta Chirchik
district were looted and never reached the rural laborers and service workers for
whom they were intended. In rural areas, the number of established bread shops
was extremely low and failed to meet the population's needs. In districts such as
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Izboskent, Yangiqo‘rg‘on, Bag‘dod, and Marhamat, less than half of the planned
bread shops were actually opened. Due to the absence of proper control, store
managers frequently engaged in price gouging, selling bread at inflated prices.
An inspection conducted by the Uzbek People's Commissariat for Health
found that approximately 17,000 kilograms of various food products had become
spoiled in the Kuybyshev and Lenin districts of Tashkent. The investigation
revealed that food items were being stored under poor conditions in both shops
and markets.
Conclusion.
In summary, the famine that emerged in Turkestan and the
resulting shortages of food led to significant human casualties. The free sale of
bread in markets was left unregulated, and quality control was virtually
nonexistent. Furthermore, the bread distribution process was plagued by serious
mismanagement and inconsistencies.
Фойдаланилган адабиётлар рўйхати:
1.
Тўраев Ғ. Туркистон большевиклари октябрда. – Тошкент:
Ўзбекистон, 1967.
2.
Ғози Юнус. Кўз очинг Турон эли. – Тошкент: Фан ва таълим, 2022.
3.
Назаров М. Туркистон интервенция ва гражданлар уруши даврида
(1918 – 1920 йиллар). – Тошкент: Ўздавнашр, 1961.
4.
Қизил Ўзбекистон. 1932 йил 28 февраль.
