Volume 04 Issue 12-2024
34
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
(ISSN
–
2771-2222)
VOLUME
04
ISSUE
12
P
AGES
:
34-41
OCLC
–
1121105677
Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
ABSTRACT
The article examines the issues of noticeable diversification of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's approach to a number
of issues of a domestic political, regional and international nature. It tells about the individual methods used by the
specified country to
achieve strategic objectives. Modern Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy is characterized by a strategic
shift towards greater assertiveness and diversification. Under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the kingdom has
pursued initiatives such as Vision 2030, aiming to reduce oil dependency and enhance economic resilience. KSA plays
a crucial role in regional conflicts, notably in Yemen and Syria, while strengthening alliances with Western powers and
emerging nations like China. The kingdom also seeks to enhance its global image through cultural diplomacy and
investments in technology and tourism. However, its human rights record and involvement in regional tensions pose
challenges to its international standing.
KEYWORDS
Geopolitical processes, diversification, confrontation, reforms, consolidation, security, traditional foreign policy,
international system, external interventions, regional security, economic cooperation and cultural exchange.
INTRODUCTION
The geopolitical processes unfolding in the world,
particularly the events related to the Ukraine-Russia
conflict, are compelling the leadership of the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia (KSA) to significantly alter its
traditional foreign policy directions.
This trend is also associated with the ongoing
processes in the Middle East, as well as the escalating
security threats at regional and international levels.
According to numerous media reports, the complex
internal political situation in Yemen, linked to the
Research Article
SOME ASPECTS OF SAUDI ARABIAN FOREIGN POLICY: RUSSIA-UKRAINE
CONFLICT AS AN ACCEPTABLE PRECEDENT
Submission Date:
December 05, 2024,
Accepted Date:
December 10, 2024,
Published Date:
December 15, 2024
Crossref doi:
https://doi.org/10.37547/ijhps/Volume04Issue12-07
Qurbonov Arslonqul Amonovich
Independent expert, Uzbekistan
Journal
Website:
https://theusajournals.
com/index.php/ijhps
Copyright:
Original
content from this work
may be used under the
terms of the creative
commons
attributes
4.0 licence.
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International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
(ISSN
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VOLUME
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ISSUE
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P
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34-41
OCLC
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Publisher:
Oscar Publishing Services
Servi
support provided by the Islamic Republic of Iran to the
Shia rebel Houthi movement, is of particular concern to
the KSA.
In this context, the situation remains critical, as the
existing shared borders (extending over 1,450
kilometers) are vulnerable to the smuggling of
explosives and other prohibited substances, as well as
the infiltration of subversive forces.
Historically, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has employed
diplomatic methods to address emerging issues.
However, in recent times, given the practical
ineffectiveness of international legal norms, official
Riyadh
has
intensified
measures
aimed
at
strengthening regional security. To this end,
comprehensive assistance is being provided to the
Yemeni government.
Moreover, in recent times, against the backdrop of the
conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation,
tensions between key players in the international
community have intensified, creating adverse
situations that threaten the security of other countries.
Consequently, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is taking
active measures aimed at strengthening its state
sovereignty.
The formation of such actions is significantly
influenced by calls from the United States and
European countries to comply with sanctions against
Russia, as well as political pressure to cease
cooperation and coordination through OPEC+. The full
realization of their political objectives is complicated by
the unique relationship between Saudi Arabia and
Russia.[1]
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is demonstrating
increased activity in the international arena, including
among Muslim countries, in response to the ongoing
conflict between Israel and Palestine and the
escalation of the regional situation due to the
intervention of Western and other powers.
Despite efforts to implement large-scale reforms in
various sectors and increase budget allocations to
enhance defense capabilities, the officially declared
goal of this national project remains to diversify the
economy in light of growing environmental concerns,
ensuring resilience in the face of potential crises that
may arise due to the depletion of natural energy
resources.
ANALYSIS OF LITERATURE
Saudi Arabia, officially known as the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia (KSA), plays a pivotal role in both regional and
global politics. Its foreign policy is shaped by a complex
interplay of historical, religious, economic, and
geopolitical factors. As one of the leading powers in
the Middle East, understanding KSA’s foreign policy is
essential for several reasons, ranging from regional
stability to global economic implications.
To date, numerous scholars have studied the foreign
policy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Notably,
Professors Yoel Guzansky and Ilan Zalayat from Tel
Aviv University in Israel have been conducting long-
term research on the foreign policy of the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia in modern times and its new directions.
Additionally, renowned Brazilian scholars Paloma
González del Miño and David Hernández Martínez, in
their article “The Salman doctrine in Saudi Arabia's
foreign policy: objectives and the use of military
forces” have conducted an in
-depth analysis of the
political processes in Saudi Arabia, the pragmatic
foreign policy of the House of As-Saud, and regional
security issues. Lastly, in the book “Security Problems
and Conflicts in
Eastern Countries” by Uzbek
orientalists Suhrob Buronov and Habibullo Azimov, the
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main directions of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy and the
mechanisms for their implementation are theoretically
analyzed. Dr. Tobias Borck’s article “Kingdom of
Change: Saudi
Arabia’s Evolving Foreign Policy”
highlights SAP’s regional security initiatives, including a
number of practical measures aimed at ending the
Russo-Ukrainian War, emphasizing that regional
security is more important than ever. In this article, we
will delve deeper into the current foreign policy
directions of Saudi Arabia and their characteristics.
MAIN PART
On January 23, 2015, Salman bin Abdulaziz, son of the
founder of the Abdulaziz bin Saud kingdom, was
inaugurated as the seventh monarch of Saudi Arabia.
One of his first decisions was to appoint his son,
Mohammed bin Salman, Minister of Defense and
Secretary-General of the Royal Court. Within a few
months, the young prince would tally enormous
political responsibilities.[2] Since then, the foreign
policy of the Saudi monarchy is marked by a series of
changes promoted directly by the head of state and his
heir to the throne, with the purpose of revitalizing the
country’s international role and preserving its main
interests in the Middle East.
In the particular regime of Saudi Arabia, there is a
special convergence of the desire to strengthen a
political process of greater institutional reinforcement,
a diversified economy and timid socio-cultural changes,
promoting a significant makeover.[3] If we analyze the
external sphere, it is also mutating its foreign policy,
traditionally considered a conservative power, by
virtue of the generational succession in the al Saud
monarchy and the remodeling of the complex scenario
in the Middle East, through more active, autonomous
and belligerent policies, despite the traditional
external dependence on security. Today, the Saudis
believe that there is a need to adopt a comprehensive
vision of regional security that is not limited to mere
balances of power, the expansion of influence, and
increased military capability, but aims to create an
enabling environment for development and prosperity
and aims to create a decent life for all peoples of the
region, writes Saleh Muhammad Al-Khathlan,
Professor of Political Science and Senior Advisor at the
Gulf Research Center, Saudi Arabia, for the 13th Middle
East conference of the Valdai Discussion Club.
The design of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy is built upon
three spheres: on the one hand, the essential
conceptions that the monarchy has about its role in the
country, in the Middle East and the Muslim sphere; on
the other, the analysis elaborated on the events that
have occurred in recent times that have eroded the
security margins and, finally, the conclusions raised on
possible threats, risks and opportunities in the face of
the complex scenarios opened after the various
regional crises.
Many factors push a country’s foreign policy to adapt
and move beyond the features of its usual diplomatic
activity, redefining its approach. The most prominent
of these factors are (1) changes in its immediate
regional environment regarding the opportunities and
challenges it provides, and (2) the shift in decision-
makers’
perceptions
towards
the
external
environment and towards the position of their country
in the international system.[4]
These two factors explain the changes in Saudi foreign
policy in the past decade. Since the Arab Spring and its
repercussions, the regional environment of the
Kingdom has witnessed transformations that have
created serious challenges for many countries in the
region and pushed them to move beyond former
policies and adopt positions and actions to confront
these challenges and mitigate their effects.
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Perhaps the most prominent of these challenges faced
by the Kingdom has been the 2011 regime change
attempt in Bahrain, which would have posed
—
had it
happened
—
a real threat to Saudi national security,
given Bahrain’s location and strong ties to the
Kingdom. [5]Therefore, Riyadh, in coordination with
the rest of the GCC countries, rushed to provide
military assistance to the government of Bahrain,
which at the time was facing riots and sabotage,
supported by external interventions, and this
assistance aimed to protect vital facilities in the state
of Bahrain.
Years later, Saudi Arabia faced another threat to its
national security: the Houthi’s seizure of power in
Yemen in September 2011. The two countries share a
border that is more than 1,450 km long, and the
Kingdom has suffered from infiltration and smuggling
operations for long periods. Because the ability of the
Houthis to take power in Yemen signalled the
expansion of Iranian influence in the Arabian Peninsula,
the Kingdom responded to the request of the
legitimate Yemeni government to provide military
assistance by forming a coalition in which Arab
countries participated.
In the historical context of Saudi foreign policy, we will
find that this military action was an exceptional case,
as the Kingdom has always adopted turning to
diplomacy. [6] The dangers faced by the Kingdom
necessitated adapting its foreign policy by adopting a
firm approach to protect its security and interests at a
time when the region was in turmoil, which threatened
political systems with collapse and states were at risk
of disintegration.
At present
, Saudi Arabia prefers diplomacy over armed
conflict so that it can focus on socioeconomic
modernization and attract vital investment, and for
that purpose it needs stability. Bin Salman has not
abandoned
his
inclination
to
embark
with
determination and even some impulsiveness on would-
be regional exploits, dragging other countries with
him, only now it is not toward wars and boycotts, but
to regional reconciliation arrangements that until
recently appeared unimaginable. The kingdom,
together with the United Arab Emirates, has ended a
decade of direct and indirect fighting on various fronts
following the regional upheaval of the so-called Arab
Spring, out of the belief that the immediate threats to
the Royal House arising from that upheaval have
subsided and at this stage can be contained. [7] The
regional moves led by the Crown Prince do not signify
reconciliation but detente, i.e., an easing of more
superficial tensions with no resolution of the deeper
problems, which may well erupt in the future. At
present, there is a desire to sweep them under the rug
for several reasons:
At the domestic level
: The kingdom is interested in
curbing conflicts, some of which it itself fomented, and
achieving a situation of zero problems in its foreign
relations so that it can turn its attention to internal
matters. Since it is currently enjoying relatively high oil
prices, it is focusing on national projects, some of a
megalomaniac nature, aiming for the economic
diversity required by Vision 2030. The political level and
the individual level are one and the same in this case,
as bin Salman is a type of centralizing ruler the kingdom
has not experienced since the days of its founder, ibn
Saud.
At the regional level
: Saudi Arabia seeks closer
relations with Iran, perhaps heeding the advice to
“keep your enemies close,” understanding Tehran’s
superior power, and recognizing that the attempt to
block its nuclear ambitions by diplomatic means has
run its course. It is noteworthy that shortly after the
Israeli-Gaza War erupted in October 2023, bin Salman
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held a first-
ever phone call with Iran’s President
Ebrahim Raisi (who also participated in a joint Arab
League and OIC summit in Saudi Arabia on the war),
presumably seeks to distance the kingdom as much as
possible from the regional crisis.
At the global level
: The dwindling American attention
to the security problems of Saudi Arabia, its traditional
ally, has led Riyadh to understand that it cannot allow
itself to continue pursuing the political and military
escapades of the previous decade and improvement of
its strategic situation also depends on this.
Saudi Arabia claims to be the natural leader of the Arab
world, especially in the Gulf region, and its biggest rival
is Iran, a Shiite country. The two states, which
frequently come face to face on regional issues,
approach the problems from different sides. Saudi
Arabia is uncomfortable with Iran’s expansionist
policies. [8] However, Saudi Arabia, the protector and
host of the holy cities, has close relations with other
Islamic countries. The fact that the Organization of
Islamic Cooperation is in Riyadh shows this situation.
However, it cannot be said that the Kingdom’s
relationship with other Islamic countries is stable, and
there are occasional tensions and disagreements. The
concept of “regional powers” is an expression used to
describe how states assume and maintain the region's
leadership. In fact, there is no generally accepted
definition of this concept. Still, it is mostly used for
giants with more military, economic, and scientific
power in a certain geographical area than others. [9]
These are states that also have severe effects on
neighboring countries around them.
Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy is built on maintaining
stability in the region, aimed at a consistent approach
to avoiding conflict. However, the 2011 Arab Spring
movement led to remarkable changes in Saudi Arabia’s
foreign policy. To maintain its dominance and stability
in the region, the kingdom has begun to increase its
military power, as well as to fuel sectarian politics,
impose sanctions and implement other restrictive
policies, increasingly resorting to military force,
sectarian politics, and sanctions or other restrictive
measures.
Saudi Arabia has played a leading role in promoting
Arab unity and cooperation, particularly through its
active involvement in the Gulf Cooperation Council
(GCC). The GCC is a political and economic union of six
Gulf Arab states, including Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates
(UAE). [10] The organization is aimed at enhancing
regional security, economic cooperation, and cultural
exchange.
In terms of its regional posture, Saudi Arabia has been
a leading player in the ongoing conflicts in Syria and
Yemen. The kingdom has been a strong supporter of
the Syrian opposition and has provided significant
financial and military assistance to rebel groups. In
Yemen, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of Arab states
in support of the internationally recognized
government against Houthi rebels. [11]
It can be said that Saudi Arabia acts as a leading country
in foreign policy, but it is also clear that there are
situations where the opposite is true. During the
embargo process against Qatar, Qatar took steps
against Saudi Arabia, and today the UAE is taking steps
against Saudi Arabia despite Saudi Arabia’s opposition.
It should be added that the strategic rivalry between
Iran and Saudi Arabia has turned into a proxy war that
has become even more intense after the Arab Spring
movement in 2011. This rivalry rests on two pillars,
power policy over the region and religious-ideological
separation.
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In fact, issues of sectarianism and nationalism can be
thought of as political forces used to gain an edge in
the competition between the two countries or to limit
the influence of the rival. There are three primary
reasons for the current tension between Saudi Arabia
and Iran. The first stems from their regional power
struggle. Iran sees itself as the natural leader of the
region due to its size, population, and historical
heritage.
It is impossible to understand Saudi Arabia’s new
regional posture, particularly the renewal of relations
with Iran, without taking into account the regional
adjustment to the gradual shift toward a multi-polar
global system, with a number of powers competing for
global hegemony. The Western barrier isolating bin
Salman was breached even before the war in Ukraine
in early 2022 and was finally shattered when the war
demonstrated Saudi Arabia’s weight in the global
energy economy, thus intensifying the courtship of bin
Salman. [12] Bin Salma's decision to reject the United
States request to increase oil production due to the
Russian invasion of Ukraine In July 2022 (even after a
visit by President Joe Biden that marked the end of the
rift over Jamal Khashoggi's murder in 2018) reflected a
change of strategic policy in the kingdom. In a search
for a different balance of relations, Riyadh now
examines its position on each and every issue, giving
priority to its own interests.
Even if Riyadh hopes for the return of Donald Trump in
the 2024 presidential elections, the new Saudi policy
toward the United States does not depend on the
president or the administration but, rather, on the
assumption that the strength of the United States has
declined and that it is no longer committed to the
defense of the kingdom. The watershed was the
serious Iranian attack in September 2019 on Aramco
facilities in eastern Saudi Arabia with drones and cruise
missiles. [13] This attack, which temporarily disrupted
abou
t half the kingdom’s oil production capacity, was
a wake-up call for Riyadh over its vulnerability in the
face of Iran, particularly regarding what Riyadh sees as
its ”abandonment” by the United States, which did not
provide military assistance. All this sharpened Saudi
understanding of the need to diversify its sources of
support at the global level and hedge its risks at the
regional level with respect to Iran, its main rival.
Where the United States exits, China steps in: as a
superpower without significant sources of energy of its
own, China depends on oil imported from Saudi Arabia
and has already overtaken the US as Riyadh’s biggest
trading partner. Bin Salman knows that during the long
years of monarchy that awaits him, the US is likely to
lose the lead in other ways in favor of Beijing, and he
wants to get the most out of the Chinese presence in
the Middle East and position Saudi Arabia as China’s
preferred regional partner. [14] Beijing’s sponsorship
of the Saudi-Iranian reconciliation agreement in March
2023 (even if its real role in the process was relatively
marginal) gave China its first significant diplomatic
foothold in the region. Therefore, it was likely one of
the factors that pushed the United States to engage in
the normalization talks with Riyadh later that year,
negotiating for the first time returns as a defense pact
and nuclear program.
Diversification of its sources of support is vital for
Riyadh, in spite of the risks and the costs, to avoid
finding itself on the losing side in a multipolar system.
Sitting on the fence during the war in Ukraine was a
prominent but not sole example of its long term policy
as an independent actor maneuvering between the
powers. In the same way, in 2022, Riyadh played the
role of broker in the prisoner exchanges between
Russia and Ukraine and also helped to release the
American basketball player Brittney Griner from
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Russian imprisonment. [15] By its determined refusal to
stand fully with the West on the war in Ukraine, Saudi
Arabia is winking to the Arab world and the whole
Global South, which are alienated from the West and
not enthusiastic about supporting its coalition against
Moscow; at the same time, however, the kingdom is
careful to clarify at every opportunity that it is not in
Putin’s pocket. This c
an be seen, inter alia, in the
invitation to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zlensky to
the Arab League Summit hosted by Saudi Arabia in May
2023 and to the summit conference on the subject of
the war in Ukraine that it hosted in August 2023.
CONCLUSION
Based on the analysis of existing materials and ongoing
global processes, the following conclusions are
deemed necessary:
- Saudi Arabia's increased foreign policy activity is
primarily linked to a decline in confidence regarding
prospects for cooperation with the United States and
the European Union, due to their recent excessive
involvement in addressing Eastern European issues.
- The relative decline in economic and other capabilities
of many Arab countries, resulting from internal political
changes in recent years, has created favorable
conditions for Saudi Arabia to take measures to expand
its geopolitical position.
Noting Saudi Arabia's stated practices, it is necessary
to reiterate certain theoretical considerations
emphasizing that security threats often extend beyond
national borders. Taking this logic into account, it
appears essential for Central Asian states to pursue
their foreign policy and strengthen collective regional
security matters based on region-specific interests.
From this perspective, it is particularly worth
highlighting the practical foreign policy of Uzbekistan,
which has maintained leadership in the region in
almost all positive directions over the past few years.
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