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THE EUROPEAN UNION'S EXPERIENCE AS A CRUCIAL FOUNDATION FOR
CENTRAL ASIAN INTEGRATION
Sanjar Saidov,
Doctor of Political Science (DSc),
Head of the Department of "Political Science"
Uzbekistan State University of World Languages
E-mail.:
Abstract:
When studying the phenomenon of integration, it is necessary to rely on the
foundations of state and public life, the system of international relations, and general political
patterns. Political integration is an objective process that allows participating entities to achieve
mutually beneficial results at low costs. But integration requires careful preparation from the
entities, as well as the desire and ability to manage them. With the emergence and establishment
of new integration political processes, old procedures and institutional difficulties are eliminated.
The article scientifically analyzes the issues of studying and effectively using the experience of
the European Union in Central Asian integration at this stage of historical development.
Keywords:
European Union, Central Asia, integration, political processes, social reforms,
intergovernmental cooperation, public diplomacy.
Today, the modern system of international relations is evolving in terms of quality, becoming
enriched with new laws and factors. One of these is related to the formation and development of
political integration models. Across different corners of our planet, various intergovernmental
organizations and alliances are emerging. Although the trends in the formation and development
of these unions may vary, common integrational principles are still evident.
Although integration processes are taking place in almost all regions of the world in one form or
another, efforts to deepen and activate these integration processes face certain challenges and
lead to very limited results. In this context, the European integration experience that led to the
creation of the European Union can be considered a unique experiment for us.
It is well known that throughout history, economic processes have always developed in close
connection with political factors. Therefore, alongside entering into financial and economic
cooperation, the issue of forming a political union has been a pressing concern for the ideologists
and politicians of European integration.
The idea of cooperation among European countries and uniting into a single socio-political
system emerged long before the signing of the Rome Treaties. In the early 20th century, serious
discussions were held about the creation of the United States of Europe (USE). One of the
founders of the Pan-European movement, Austrian
C. Kalergi
, proposed the idea of the USE in
1923. This initiative and idea were based on historical experiences such as the formation of the
Swiss Confederation in 1848, the creation of the German Empire in 1871, and the independence
gained by the United States in 1776.[1] Shortly after, on September 5, 1929, French Foreign
Minister
A. Briand
delivered his famous speech at the League of Nations Assembly in Geneva.
With the support of his German counterpart G. Stresemann, he proposed the establishment of a
European Union under the auspices of the League of Nations. Although the spread of fascism in
Europe and the outbreak of World War II hindered the implementation of this idea, it was not
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entirely abandoned. In 1941, exiled on the island of Ventotene, A. Spinelli and E. Rossi managed
to prepare and distribute the Federalism Manifesto. They called for the creation of a European
Federation, where, in order to prevent international anarchy and preserve freedom in Europe, the
sovereign rights of participating states would be partially transferred to the federal level, taking
into account the interests of all peoples of the region.[2]
After World War II, Europe was effectively divided into two blocs: Western Europe, politically
inclined towards the United States, and Eastern Europe, which became part of the socialist camp.
Germany was also divided. The Second World War, in turn, was replaced by the Cold War, a
political and ideological conflict between socialism and capitalism, which was dominated by the
Soviet Union and the United States, respectively.
In such a situation, the desire for political integration in Western Europe grew stronger. The
integration process after the war developed based on the principle of "Atlantic unity." Its main
directions were:
firstly,
this unity trend was shaped based on the ideological slogan "never again." During the
first half of the 20th century, Europe became the theater of military operations in two world wars,
which severely damaged the economic and political potential of individual countries and the
entire region. The peoples and societies of Europe were exhausted by the wars and no longer
wished for the region to serve as a battlefield. In this process, the idea of "fatigue" (exhaustion
from war) became dominant;
secondly,
with the emergence of two superpowers on the world stage — the USA and the USSR
— European countries realized that their geo-economic and geo-political potential was steadily
diminishing. This weakness further intensified Europe's economic and political fragmentation,
and contemporary researchers of the time compared this reality to a patchwork quilt covered with
either the Soviet or American monolith.
It must also be acknowledged that the tendency towards political integration in Europe was not
easily or simply achieved. Initially, countries had different understandings of the integration
tasks and took various approaches to them. In the post-war period, Europe was divided not only
into Eastern and Western blocs but also into groups: federalists, who advocated for the creation
of a European United States by transferring certain national powers to international organizations,
and those who were skeptical of any form of integration.
For example, although the United Kingdom was not opposed to the European Union, it was not
ready to create any European international bodies that would limit national sovereignty. It was
more interested in establishing separate relations with the countries of the British
Commonwealth and the United States.
The Scandinavian countries were also not fully prepared for genuine political alignment. In the
context of the intensification of the Cold War, the formation of the United States of Europe
would lead to the emergence of a third party in conflicts, and the Scandinavians sought to isolate
themselves and avoid involvement in these confrontations.
In Southern Europe, authoritarian regimes existed in Spain and Portugal. In Greece, under
conditions of high political instability, the influence of communist forces continued to grow. In
this regard, Central European countries did not consider the southern countries from the
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perspective of political unification; instead, they focused on preventing them from joining the
socialist bloc and tried to involve them in an anti-Soviet coalition.
In the post-war period, the efforts of European countries to unite were realized through the
creation of various and unrelated international organizations.
For example, in 1946, the European Federalist Union was established in Paris. In 1948, based on
the initiative and financial support of the United States (the Marshall Plan), the Organization for
European Economic Cooperation was created, which later transformed into the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1960 with the inclusion of the United
States and Canada. In 1949, the United States, Canada, and most Western European countries
signed the North Atlantic Treaty (NATO), a military pact. In 1954, in the field of security and
defense cooperation, and to strengthen Europe’s position in the Atlantic Treaty, the Western
European Union was established.[3]
In 1952, a treaty was signed in Paris to establish the European Defence Community, consisting
of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), France, Italy, and the Benelux countries. In 1953, a
draft treaty for the establishment of the European Political Community, with the same
composition, was adopted. However, both of these treaties, which had been fully supported for
the restoration of the military and political positions lost by the FRG, were rejected by the
French parliament and thus never came into force.
In 1949, the Council of Europe was established to promote political cooperation. It is also
important to note that the Council of Europe did not aim to create a federation or union in the
region and did not interfere with the sovereignty of the participating countries. It served as an
intergovernmental consultative organization on a wide range of issues: political, economic,
cultural, social, and legal matters. One of the Council's most significant achievements was the
adoption of the
"European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms"
in
1950 [4]. Overall, the Council of Europe gradually became the main consultative and debate club
for supporters of European federalism.
A fundamentally new stage in the development of political integration is associated with the
establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951 and the signing of the
Rome Treaties in 1957, which led to the creation of EURATOM and the European Economic
Community (EEC). From a legal perspective, all three organizations continue their independent
activities. However, from a political reality standpoint, they form a cohesive whole, laying the
foundations for the system that was initially called the European Community and later evolved
into the European Union (EU) starting in 1993.
A distinctive feature of the European Union is the creation of international (supranational)
governing bodies and the voluntary relinquishment of a portion of the sovereignty of
member states.
Economic integration served as a true and solid foundation for the gradual creation of the
conditions for political unification. However, the process proceeded slowly and on a highly
contentious basis. Even among the six founding countries of the European Economic
Community, there was no unity regarding the level of political unification. The sharpest conflicts
were observed between Germany and France. Germany sought to create a closer political
alliance to increase its "weight" in political matters. As one of the ideologists of European
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integration,
Walter Hallstein
, emphasized, "We are not integrating the economy, but politics."
Germany, with the majority vote, supported granting national-level powers to the central
institutions of the European Economic Community and making decisions binding on member
states. France, on the other hand, proposed focusing on the economic aspects of integration and
supported the principle of unanimity in making the most important decisions. While Germany
adhered to the federal principle of building Europe, France pushed for a confederation-style
political union.
The struggle between these two approaches is relevant to the entire history of the European
Union and to the present day. This conflict has
functional
and
institutional
aspects.
The functional aspect is expressed in the division of a state's internal and foreign policy
directions into local or international authority functions. The fate of national sovereignty depends
on how the political balance configuration in Europe evolves. The institutional aspect, on the one
hand, involves the issue of EU membership, and on the other hand, it includes the structure of
competent international bodies and the decision-making mechanisms at the international level.
By the end of the 1980s, the EU member states had achieved significant progress. A unified
system of regional institutions was created and began to function successfully. The Union
expanded from 6 to 12 member states, and high-level coordination of internal and foreign
policies was achieved[5].
In the new phase, the Maastricht Treaty of 1991 and the Treaty on European Union (EU) of 1993
accelerated political integration. According to the new treaty, a common European citizenship
was established. This was a significant innovation and served as a real foundation for the future
creation of a confederation or even a federation. Citizens of all participating states automatically
acquired EU citizenship.
Each citizen of the European Union gained the following common rights under European law:
the right to move freely and reside within the EU territory; the right to participate in municipal
and common European elections within their country of residence; the right to use the diplomatic
missions and consular services of any EU member state when outside the Union; the right to
petition the European Parliament. These rights marked a significant step in integrating EU
citizens more fully into the political and legal framework of the Union.
According to the agreement, the political union should include several key components:
A common foreign and security policy, which would include:
o
Developing a common defense policy.
o
Addressing security and cooperation issues in Europe.
o
Disarmament and arms control in Europe.
o
Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the economic aspects of security.
Increasing the role and importance of the European Parliament.
Expanding the powers of the Union.
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A common policy in the areas of internal affairs and justice, particularly regarding
asylum, immigration, visa regimes, and others.
These provisions were designed to create a more unified and coordinated approach to the key
issues affecting the EU both internally and in its relations with the wider world.
In the 1990s, the composition of the European Union expanded further, incorporating 27 member
states up to the present day. Additionally, the issue of further enlargement remains on the agenda.
Countries such as Turkey, Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia are focusing on Eurointegration as a
key priority. These nations are seeking closer ties with the EU, aiming for membership or deeper
political and economic cooperation, which reflects the EU's ongoing role in shaping regional
stability and development.
It should also be emphasized that the enlargement of the European Union is not merely a
quantitative matter, but rather a qualitative and political one. With the EU extending to almost all
European countries, including the former socialist bloc states, the international geopolitical
landscape has undergone fundamental changes and significantly influenced the global balance of
power. On one hand, this expansion led to a re-evaluation of the economic and political space of
the former socialist bloc and a gradual narrowing of Russia's vital interests and international
sphere of influence. On the other hand, it demonstrated the EU’s increasingly positive role in the
processes of globalization and integration, contributing to the formation of a multi-vector system
of international relations.
The development of European integration also envisions the advancement of governance systems
at the international level. This issue gained particular relevance at the beginning of the 21st
century in connection with the eastward expansion of the European Union, which led to changes
not only in Europe but also in the global geopolitical landscape. The political configuration of
Europe and the mechanisms for exercising authority have been steadily evolving, adapting to
new circumstances and the emerging geopolitical environment.
Although the European Union has faced a number of difficulties, obstacles, and challenges in its
activities, it has truly proven itself as an integration project. For instance, the United Kingdom's
withdrawal from the EU in 2020 (based on the 2016 referendum) led to a surge in statements
among Eurosceptics claiming that the Union had no future. Nevertheless, the European Union
continues to advance along the path of progress within its integration platform. Throughout this
process, the EU has demonstrated that it is not dependent on any single member state but rather
operates from a pan-European perspective.
When examining various models of integration, we can observe both universal and distinctive
characteristics within them. First and foremost, it becomes clear that integration can only
develop on stable and well-defined foundations. Researchers interpret such foundations
differently, but the core principle, goal, and idea of any regional integration should be rooted in
the shared interests of the people. In this context, the active involvement of civil society is of
great importance—not only as a participant in the integration process, but primarily as a
representative of the will, desires, and aspirations of the people, beyond just the interests of the
states themselves.
In the context of the growing development of integration processes worldwide, the projection of
global governance principles at the regional level and the broader involvement of civil society in
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managing these factors are gaining significant interest. In this regard, the experience of civil
society institutions in European countries—with their varying development parameters—proves
invaluable. The role of civil society in the formation of a complex and multidimensionally
integrated entity like the European Union is truly unparalleled. Their participation has been
instrumental in ensuring transparency, democratic legitimacy, and public engagement throughout
the process of European integration.
Nowadays, scholars from various fields are thoroughly studying governance challenges in the
European Union countries and the role of civil society in this process. This issue is clearly
reflected in the political discourse found in the European Commission’s publication, the White
Paper on Governance. It is noteworthy that calls for greater participation of civil society in EU
governance have continued to this day, sometimes taking on a political character. Various
proposals to involve civil society in the process of making political decisions at different levels
are often seen in the statements of politicians and high-ranking officials of European
administrative structures, in debates between organizations and institutions, as well as in political
discussions at all levels. However, there are also certain specific aspects to consider when
discussing the effective participation of civil society in the governance system. In fact, this issue
is directly related to resolving the problem of legitimacy in the European governance system.
Western political scientists increasingly acknowledge that civil society may offer an alternative
form of legitimacy at the pan-European level, which serves as a functional manifestation of
legitimacy shaped by the governments of the member states. It is becoming ever clearer that the
relationship between civil society institutions and the European Commission or other EU
governance structures cannot be built solely on nationally accumulated experience. In this
context, civil society’s involvement in the development and implementation of EU policy is
undoubtedly vital — as it helps to address certain governance issues by establishing a new and
broader foundation for legitimacy.
It is well-known that there are certain principles (laws) governing the relationship between
governance institutions of integration-focused unions and civil society actors. These principles
primarily revolve around using NGOs as a social channel to gain the trust of various socio-
political groups within society, involving them as advisors, consultants, and experts, and
fostering scientific, technical, and humanitarian cooperation, all of which are continuously
improving. However, the experience of major integration organizations demonstrates that, in fact,
civil society is capable of performing much broader functions. For example, the results of
referendums on the European Union Constitution held in France and the Netherlands, or the
referendum on Ukraine’s acceptance as a partner of the EU, show that civil society can play a
decisive role in making long-term political decisions related to the future.
Another distinctive feature of civil society’s participation in the governance of modern Europe is
that the European Union is not just a political and economic project, but also an innovative social
project that encompasses the support and direct recognition of the majority of the region’s
citizens. In this regard, official Brussels pays attention not only to economic and political factors
but also to humanitarian reforms related to the further development of democratic institutions in
strengthening the EU's fundamental principles. All of these measures play a decisive role in
realizing the true "European dream."
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This historical and political experience can certainly be applied to Central Asia as well. It is
evident from the foreign policy activities led by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev that Central Asia,
and particularly Uzbekistan, is a priority direction in the country's foreign policy. Under his
leadership, Uzbekistan has been actively working to enhance its regional cooperation, strengthen
diplomatic ties with neighboring countries, and engage in initiatives that promote stability,
security, and economic development in Central Asia[6].
President Sh. Mirziyoyev, in his speech at the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly, stated:
"Uzbekistan today places a priority on the Central Asian region in its foreign policy. This is a
well-thought-out and carefully selected path. Located at the heart of Central Asia, Uzbekistan is
directly interested in the region becoming a zone of stability, consistent development, and good-
neighborly relations... A peaceful, prosperous, and economically developed Central Asia is the
most important goal and key task that we strive for."[7] His words indicated that Uzbekistan has
taken on the responsibility for the Central Asia region. From this platform, the initiative
to hold
regular meetings of the heads of Central Asian states
also became an important historical
event.
In recent years, based on the geopolitical and geoeconomic processes occurring in Central Asia,
we can observe trends towards regional cooperation and political integration. This integration is
important not only at the government level but also through civil society, encompassing cultural,
educational, religious, intellectual, and other potentials.
The first summit of Central Asia and the European Union, held on April 3-4, 2025, in the historic
city of Samarkand, was of significant political importance. During this event, the leaders of
Central Asian countries and the European Union participated directly, discussing broad-ranging
issues such as strengthening economic cooperation between our regions, interconnectivity in
transportation, sustainable development, ecology, and humanitarian cooperation. The relations
between Central Asia and the European Union were elevated to the level of strategic partnership.
As a result of this first summit, the Samarkand Declaration was adopted.
In conclusion, it can be emphasized that in the integration of Central Asian countries, it is
essential to carefully study, analyze, and utilize the positive achievements of the European
Union's experience. In this regard, it is advisable to develop a general strategy aimed at
accelerating regional cooperation and integration, based on broad public opinion, and to create a
"roadmap" for its practical implementation. In the context of complex geopolitical processes,
security threats, and the global economic crisis, Central Asian countries are required to pursue an
open and pragmatic foreign policy. As a result of firm actions on the international stage, this
would not only enhance the national but also the entire region's prestige and reputation. In this
regard, it is more appropriate to ensure the participation of Central Asian countries in
international affairs collectively, rather than individually.
The conclusions in this regard can be summarized with the thoughts of the American scholar
Frederik Starr. In his work Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab
Conquest to Tamerlane, Starr eloquently discusses the remarkable heroism and great history of
the region's countries and peoples. Undoubtedly, this glorious past serves as a source of
inspiration and spiritual wealth for all the peoples of Central Asia. Regionally, as Starr
emphasizes on the final pages of his book, this heroic era may have been forgotten, but today
there are signs of its rediscovery by the youth, he concludes.
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Referens:
1. Coudenhove-Kalergi R.N. Pan-Europe. Paris / Éd. Presses Universitaires de France, 1988. -Р.
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2. Political integration: history, tasks, methods //
https://studopedia.ru/view_ekonomika-
3. "Basic information on the European Union" //
www.europa.eu/about-eu/index_en.htm
4.
The
European
Convention
on
human
rights
and
its
protocols
//
https://www.coe.int/en/web/compass/the-european-convention-on-human-rights-and-its-
5. What is the European Union?
https://openmediahub.com/eu-basics/what-is-the-eu/
6. Саидов С.Ш. «Народная дипломатия» как социально-политическое явление. //
Международный научный журнал гуманитарных и естественных наук. – Россия, 2020. –
№11. – С. 180.
7. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev addressed the 72nd Session of the United Nations General
Assembly //
