THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
134
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
PUBLISHED DATE: - 30-11-2024
DOI: -
https://doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/Volume06Issue11-15
PAGE NO.: - 134-141
FOREIGN POLICY OF THE ARE UNDER
PRESIDENT ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI (2013-
2020)
Kadirova G.Sh.
Tashkent State University of Oriental studies Doctor of philosophy (PhD) in political sciences,
Uzbekistan
INTRODUCTION
The presidency of A.F. el-Sisi is characterized by
the return of the country’s traditional foreign
policy after the difficult final stage of H. Mubar
ak’s
rule, the “Arab Spring” and the short, but greatly
changing, rule of M. Morsi. The rise to power of A.F.
el-Sisi in the official chronicle of the ARE is
characterized as the “revolution of June 30”, since
on this day in 2013 the military removed M.Morsi
and his supporters from power (Egyptian Policy
Foundations). Moreover, the Constitution of the
ARE notes the “Revolution of January 25
-
June 30”,
which is comparable to the revolution of 1919,
which liberated the country from British rule, and
the revolution of 1952, which overthrew the
monarchy (Constitution of the Arab Republic of
Egypt, 2014).
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Open Access
Abstract
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
135
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
At the same time, the military coup that ousted the
democratically
elected
government
was
condemned by the international community, and
solving this problem was one of the first problems
that the military faced when they came to power.
The issue of the legitimacy of the ARE government
was resolved during the 2014 presidential
elections (Ardovini L., 2018).
However, international recognition has become
only one o
f the problems in the country’s foreign
policy. The new leadership of the ARE has made
drastic changes in its foreign policy, affecting, first
of all, relations with the region’s countries and the
approach to a new interpretation of the role of the
Islamic factor.
According to the Italian expert A. Meringolo, the
actions of the ruling regime of A.F. el-Sisi are due to
the need to consolidate society and the survival of
the political elite. The drastic changes in foreign
policy were due to the desire to mobilize public
support and protect the regime from criticism,
including from outside, identifying opponents both
within the country and internationally as a threat
to national security (Meringolo A., 2014).
In this regard, it can be added, using the examples
of M.Morsi and A.F. el-Sisi, that in both cases the
national interests of the ARE were replaced by the
interests of the ruling regime. If M.Morsi expressed
the point of view of the Muslim Brotherhood,
including in foreign policy, then A.F. el-Sisi
expressed the position of the military-political elite
of the country. And since the interests here were
largely opposite, accordingly, Egypt’s foreign
policy course underwent significant adjustments
in a short period.
DISCUSSION
Based on geopolitics and cultural and historical
heritage, a special place and role for the country
are declared in the sphere of public diplomacy of
Egypt. According to the Russian researcher
A.Poida, the geographical position of the state, the
peculiarities of its history, colonial past, and
relations with such powers as the USA,
USSR/Russia, Great Britain, and France, the
presence of the Suez Canal and the problem of
distribution of water resources of the Nile River
serve as those determinants that predetermine the
main directions of its foreign policy (Poida A.,
2018).
It seems that the Islamic factor should also be
included here, among the determinants of the
ARE’s foreign policy, which is especially relevant in
light of the confrontation between the army and
Islamists and the violent removal, and then the
court decision on life imprisonment of former
President M.Morsi.
The confrontation between the government of A.F.
el-Sisi and the Muslim Brotherhood and their allies
has moved to the regional level and has affected
relations with other states of the Middle East and
North Africa, as well as with the Palestinian
movement Hamas (Haddad J., 2018).
Meanwhile, the government of A.F. el-Sisi has
formulated the foundations of the country’s
foreign policy. To date, according to the Prime
Minister of the ARE M.Madbouli, the goals of
foreign policy include the following areas:
-
maintaining a balanced policy with all world
powers;
-
ensuring security and stability in the Persian
Gulf region;
-
ensuring national security in the regional and
African arenas;
-
activating the role of the Cairo International
Center for Conflict Resolution, Peacekeeping,
and
Peacebuilding
(Egyptian
Policy
Foundations).
The principles of Egypt’s modern foreign policy
include the following:
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
136
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
- maintaining peace and stability at the regional
and international levels;
- mutual respect between countries, observing the
principles of international law, respect for
international
treaties
and
international
organizations, strengthening solidarity between
states, and promoting UN reform;
- active attention to the economic dimension of
international relations;
- a balanced foreign policy linked to strategic goals
and interests, and relying on its own, independent
decision-making;
- priority to Arab countries as the main direction of
foreign policy, in close connection with the Islamic
and African directions, as well as with an emphasis
on Egypt’s association with the countries of the
Nile basin;
-
the relationship between Egypt’s foreign and
domestic policies, in which foreign policy should
be aimed at promoting the creation of a modern
democratic system that ensures full equality of
citizens before the law, combined with the fight
against terrorism, and mobilizing political and
economic support by attracting foreign investment
and tourism to improve the standard of living of
Egyptian citizens (Egyptian Policy Foundations).
The Basic Principles of Egypt’s Foreign Policy
It seems that the basic principles of Egypt’s foreign
policy represent a traditional set of provisions
typical of many states, adjusted for the geopolitical
situation and development features.
The goals of Egypt’s foreign policy are as follows:
- protectin
g Egypt’s national security and supreme
interests;
- achieving comprehensive development in its
various dimensions, which means achieving the
goal of protecting the country’s national security
and supreme interests;
- strengthening security, and stability, striving for
a “just peace” in the Middle East, and freeing the
region from weapons of mass destruction;
- countering terrorism at the international level
through the implementation of a comprehensive
strategy and striving to put it at the forefront of
regional and international priorities;
- strengthening international economic relations,
ensuring cooperation and exchange of experience
in the field of development, as well as attracting
resources to achieve common interests between
various international structures;
- strengthening relations with leading powers to
ensure Egypt’s national interests (Egyptian Policy
Foundations).
“Circles” of Egypt’s National Interests
According to official Cairo, the geopolitical
characteristics of Egypt, its identity, and the tasks
of ensuring national security necessitate the
existence of various “circles” of national interests.
The “Arabic circle” includes a broader
understanding of national security based on the
security of its Arab and African periphery. This also
includes strengthening Arab solidarity, concerning
the ability of all Arab states to more effectively
counter external challenges and threats, such as
terrorism, as well as supporting stability in the
Arab states after the “Arab Spring”.
An important dimension is assistance in
preventing and resolving crises. In this area,
Cairo’s historical obligations are superimposed on
the direct tasks of ensuring national security.
Egypt seeks to actively participate in joint
international projects to resolve these crises,
primarily under the auspices of the UN, where
Egypt ranks third on the list of the largest donor
countries to peacekeeping operations (State
Information Centre, Egypt).
The principle of peaceful settlement is combined
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
137
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
with the traditional strategy of helping Arab
countries overcome crises, including on such
pressing issues as Palestine (State Information
Centre, Egypt).
Egypt views the possibility of the disintegration of
the region’s national states as a threat since this
would create a favorable environment for
terrorism and undermine the position of the Arab
states. Cairo advocates for the preservation of
territorial integrity and a peaceful settlement of
the conflicts in Syria and Yemen.
In Syria, Cairo opposes any foreign intervention
and military soluti
ons. The country’s active
position is evidenced by its initiatives for a
peaceful settlement, as well as its support for local
peace agreements on ceasefires concluded with
the mediation of Russia (State Information Centre,
Egypt).
At the same time, a characteristic feature of the
current course of President A.F. еl
-Sisi is that Egypt
rejects the possibility of participation of radical
Islamist groups in the peace process.
In Yemen, the armed forces of the ARE took part in
military strikes against the main opposition force
to the government, the Houthis, in cooperation
with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, based on their
interests in ensuring security in the areas of the
Bab al-Mandab Strait and the Persian Gulf (State
Information Centre, Egypt).
Egypt’s Libyan pol
icy occupies a special place.
Libya directly borders the ARE, and Cairo views the
armed conflict in this country on several levels,
positioning itself as an actor playing a central role
in supporting efforts to restore the state and fight
terrorism. For the ARE, the resolution of the Libyan
crisis concerns the security situation in general, as
well as the security of border areas, and countering
the activities of terrorist organizations. The
protection of state borders also includes ensuring
“strategic depth” by helping to strengthen the
security of Libya’s border areas (State Information
Centre, Egypt).
In the armed conflict, Egypt supports the Libyan
National Army and its commander H.Haftar,
hoping with his help to unite Libya (State
Information Centre, Egypt) and prevent the
formation of a state that shares the ideas of the
Muslim Brotherhood and relies on external
assistance from Turkey and Qatar, which at one
time acted as allies of M.Morsi.
The “African Circle” is defined by the desire to
strengthen its relations with the countries of the
continent in the economic and cultural fields,
taking into account the special importance of the
Nile basin states as the “strategic depth” of Egypt,
working with all African peoples in their
movement towards democratization, achieving
comprehensive development and activating
multilateral partnerships.
The central place is occupied by the problem of
water resources of the Nile River and the
construction by Ethiopia of the largest Renaissance
dam in the region. For Egypt, the water resources
of the Nile are the main source for hydropower,
agriculture, and domestic needs. Therefore, in
many ways, access to these water resources means
problems of survival of the country’s population
(Sharp J., 2020).
Egypt and Sudan are taking the position of
maintaining the current regime of transboundary
water use, while Ethiopia, together with the
completion of construction and the launch of the
dam, will be able to control the water flow and,
accordingly, the ability to change the water use
regime. The situation around the construction of
the Ethiopian dam is still far from being resolved,
and Cairo is counting on international assistance to
solve this problem (State Information Centre,
Egypt).
For Egypt, the “Islamic Circle” means finding
and
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
138
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
developing solutions to the problems of the Islamic
world, spreading the values of moderation and
tolerance of Islam, and encouraging interfaith
dialogue (State Information Centre, Egypt).
It seems that limiting interests in the “Islamic
Circle” to pr
omoting moderation, tolerance, and
dialogue expresses, first of all, the position of the
current leadership of Egypt, representing the
military-political elite of the country, which came
to power against the backdrop of confrontation
with the Muslim Brotherhood and their ideology
both within the country and at the international
level.
Egypt’s traditionally active position on Palestine
and other pressing issues reflecting the problems
of the development of the Islamic world and the
resolution of conflicts is reflected in the general
formulation of the search for their solutions.
The “Asian Circle” includes strengthening relations
with leading Asian powers in order to become part
of the coming “Asian Century”.
The “European Circle” refers to relations within
the framework of the Association Agreement with
the EU (Euro-Mediterranean Agreement), which
entered into force in 2004, the Action Plan of the
European Neighbourhood Policy, according to
which cooperation is carried out in the framework
of economic modernization, sustainability in the
field of energy and environmental protection, as
well as social development and social protection.
Cooperation is also focused on issues of
governance, strengthening stability, building a
modern democratic state (An official website of the
European Union), and the principles proposed in
the Barcelona Process of Euro-Mediterranean
participation (Barcelona declaration, 1995),
according to which a comprehensive partnership is
established between the participants of the Euro-
Mediterranean partnership by strengthening
political dialogue regularly, developing economic
and financial cooperation and increasing emphasis
on the social, cultural and human dimensions,
which are the three aspects of the Euro-
Mediterranean
partnership
(Barcelona
Declaration, 1995).
“International Circle” in which Egypt’s relations
with the world’s leading powers are built. Cairo
seeks to achieve balance after the revolutionary
period by developing its relations with Western
partners such as the US, EU, Japan, Russia, China,
and other leading powers and rapidly developing
countries. This cooperation aims to open up new
opportunities while respecting the principle of
balance between the leading centers of power
(State Information Centre, Egypt).
Features and changes in Egypt’s foreign
policy
In our opinion, one of the features of Egypt’s
international position and foreign policy is the
contradiction between the ideas about its role in
the region and the world, reflected in its principles,
goals, and directions, and its place in the system of
regional and international relations that the
country occupies.
If Article 1 of the Constitution of the Arab Republic
of Egypt affirms the country as part of the Arab
nation and the Muslim world, belonging to Africa
and Asia, making a “contribution t
o the
development of human civilization” (Constitution
of the Arab Republic of Egypt, 2014), and the
principles and goals affirm Egypt as a strong
regional state, then in practice the country is far
from, for example, heading any regional alliance. In
those unions in which Egypt participates, it
occupies a subordinate position. In contrast to
what was possible during the reign of G.A.Nasser,
A.Sadat and, partly, H.Mubarak, during the reign of
A.F. el-Sisi of Egypt is unable to lead any regional
initiative, occupying a de facto subordinate
position in the coalition-led by Saudi Arabia.
As researcher H.Darwisheh notes, the primacy of a
particular power is reflected in the formal
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
139
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
designation of a particular alliance, for example,
Saudi Arabia and its allies, Turkey and Qatar and
their allies, Iran and its allies, etc. (Darwisheh H.,
2014). After the “Arab Spring”, Egypt participated
in coalitions, but never headed them.
The changes in foreign policy introduced by A.F. еl
-
Sisi affected bilateral relations and predetermined
the new place of the ARE in regional and
international processes.
First of all, the changes affected Egypt’s role in the
regional balance of power. One can note a sharp
improvement in relations with Saudi Arabia and
the United Arab Emirates. Both Persian Gulf
monarchies actively supported the removal of
M.Morsi and the coming to power of A.F. еl
-Sisi.
Riyadh welcomed the exclusion of the Muslim
Brotherhood from Egypt’s political life, and in
2016 A.F. еl
-
Sisi publicly promised to “return” the
disputed islands of Sanafir and Tiran to Saudi
Arabia, which provided them to Egypt at the height
of the Suez Crisis of 1956 for use as military bases
(Haddad J., 2018). Egypt took a direct part in the
military operation of the Saudi-led coalition in
Yemen, and again, as it was before M.Morsi,
criticized Tehran’s policies, calling on it to stop its
policies directed against the security of the Arab
region (State Information Centre, Egypt). At the
same time, the KSA and the ARE retain some
contradictions, in particular, regarding the Syrian
conflict. Cairo and Riyadh differ in their
assessments of Russian participation and the
possibility of involving Islamic radicals in the
settlement process. Also, Egypt has effectively
withdrawn from the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in
Yemen, leaving its ally to independently resolve
the issue of conflict resolution (Abougabal H.,
2016). Nevertheless, in the main thing for the
ruling regime of A.F. еl
-Sisi, the positions of the two
countries remain close - both Cairo and Riyadh
regard the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist
organization (Abougabal H., 2016).
The changes affected the relations between Egypt
and Russia. Since 2014, both countries have
improved cooperation in almost all areas,
including arms supplies and cooperation in
ensuring regional security. Egypt has become one
of the largest regional buyers of Russian weapons,
significantly modernizing its air force and air
defense systems. A new area was cooperation in
the field of nuclear energy - the two states agreed
to build a nuclear power plant in Dabaa, northeast
of Cairo. In addition, Russia and Egypt take similar
positions regarding the conflicts in Libya and Syria
(Sharp J., 2020). As noted by the expert from the
UAE H.Abougabal, despite the popular comparison
of Egyptian-Russian cooperation under A.F. el-Sisi
with the period of G.A. Nasser, there are no signs of
a radical change in the country’s foreign policy
vector. Rather, cooperation is aimed at making
Cairo’s policy more balanced and less dependent
on the traditional arms supplier Washington
(Abougabal H., 2016).
This opinion is also supported by the
strengthening of military-technical cooperation
between Egypt and France. During the presidency
of A.F. еl
-Sisi, assets were purchased for the air and
naval forces of the ARE, including aircraft carriers
(Sharp J., 2020).
It seems that one of the main reasons for the desire
to rebalance relations with the leading powers was
the sharp weakening of US influence in the Middle
East. Nevertheless, Cairo remains one of the major
buyers of weapons and partners of Washington in
the Middle East.
Military supplies serve as the basis for bilateral
cooperation, and the Trump administration has
emphasized Egypt’s contribution to the fight
against terrorism, while the Obama administration
prioritized democratization processes, where
Cairo was noted to have significant shortcomings.
The Trump administration’s discussion of
including the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
140
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
organization could serve as a significant factor in
strengthening bilateral relations in the context of
how acutely the threat posed by this movement is
perceived by the Egyptian political elite (Sharp J.,
2020).
CONCLUSION
Thus, the conducted analysis allows us to
formulate the following conclusions.
1. The general pri
nciples of the ARE’s foreign
policy are based on its determinants, including
geopolitics and the Islamic factor, belonging to the
Arab world and Africa, the presence of the Suez
Canal and belonging to the Nile River basin, as well
as the dynamics of relations with the great powers.
The main directions of foreign policy are presented
in the form of “circles”
- Arab, African, Islamic,
Asian, European, and international - which give an
idea of the priorities of the country’s foreign policy
strategy.
2. The foreign policy course of the ARE under
President A.F. el-Sisi is determined primarily by
the interests of the ruling elite, and not by national
and state interests, in this regard, the change of the
country’s leadership entailed fundamental
changes in the cou
ntry’s foreign policy.
The specifics of A.F. el-
Sisi’s rise to power and the
interests of the military-political elite he
represents formed the basis for the transformation
of the country’s foreign policy during his reign. The
catalyst for foreign policy changes was the
confrontation with the Muslim Brotherhood, its
ideology, and its allies both within the country and
at the regional level. The perception of the Muslim
Brotherhood’s ideas as terrorist predetermined
intolerance towards radical Islamist organizations.
Relations with the leading countries of the region
changed - there was a rapprochement with Saudi
Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, relations
with Turkey and Qatar became confrontational,
and tensions with Iran increased. Given the
weakening influence of the United States in the
region, Cairo began to build a more balanced
interaction with other great powers, primarily
with Russia and France.
REFERENCES
1.
Abougabal H. (2016) Egypt rethinks foreign
policy strategy // Middle East Business
Intelligence
(UAE).
-
https://www.meed.com/egypt-rethinks-
foreign-policy-strategy/.
2.
Ardovini L. (2018) Egypt’s faltering legitimacy:
Sisi’s contested victory and pressing
challenges. - The Foreign Policy Centre (UK). -
https://fpc.org.uk/sisi/.
3.
Barcelona declaration, adopted at the Euro-
Mediterranean Conference (27-28/11/95). -
An official website of the European Union. -
http://www.eeas.europa.eu/archives/docs/e
uromed/docs/bd_en.pdf.
4.
Barcelona Declaration (1995). - An official
website of the European Parliament. -
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/delegations
/en/dmed/documents/eu-texts.
5.
Darwisheh H. (2015) Regime Survival
Strategies and the Conduct of Foreign Policy in
Egypt // IDE Middle East Review (Japan),
Vol.2.
-
https://www.ide.go.jp/library/Japanese/Publ
ish/Periodicals/Me_review/pdf/201503_01.p
df.
6.
Egypt and Peacekeeping.
–
State Information
Centre,
Egypt.
-
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/0/8332?lang
=en-us.
7.
Egypt’s foreign policy towards Arab crises. –
State
Information
Centre,
Egypt.
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/7302/9413?l
ang=en-us.
8.
Egypt’s vision towards the Syrian crisis. –
State
THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION INNOVATIONS (ISSN- 2689-100X)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE11
141
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajssei
Information
Centre,
Egypt.
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/0/9409?lang
=en-us.
9.
Egyptian Policy Foundations.
–
State
Information
Centre,
Egypt.
-
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/0/52?lang=e
n-us.
10.
Egypt & the Renaissance Dam.
–
State
Information
Centre,
Egypt.
-
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/0/9426?lang
=en-us.
11.
Egypt’s vision on Iran’s nuclear crisis. –
State
Information
Centre,
Egypt.
-
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/0/9392?lang
=en-us.
12.
Euro-Mediterranean Agreement, establishing
an Association between the European
Communities and their Member States, of the
one part, and the Arab Republic of Egypt, of the
other
part.
Text.
-
https://eur-
lex.europa.eu/legal-
content/EN/TXT/?uri=uriserv:OJ.L_.2004.304
.01.0038.01.ENG&toc=OJ:L:2004:304:FULL#L
_2004304EN.01003901.
13.
European
Neighborhood
Policy
and
Enlargement Negotiations, Egypt. - An official
website
of
the
European
Union.
-
https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-
enlargement/neighbourhood/countries/egyp
t_en.
14.
Haddad J. (2018) Foreign Policy under the
President al-Sisi. Monterey (USA).
–
57 p.
15.
Meringolo A. (2014) From Morsi to Al-Sisi:
Foreign Policy at the Service of Domestic Policy
-
https://www.iai.it/sites/default/files/inegypt
_08.pdf.
16.
Poyda А. (2018) Istoricheskiye determinanti
vneshney politiki Arabskoy Respubliki Egipet
// Vestnik Rossiyskogo universiteta drujbi
narodov. Seriya: Vseobshaya istoriya. -
№ 2. –
P. 192-200.
17.
Sharp J. (2020) Egypt: Background and U.S.
Relations.
–
Congressional Research Service
(USA).
-
https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL33003.pd
f.
18.
The Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt
(2014).
–
https://worldconstitutions.ru/?p=1013.
19.
The Egyptian initiative to solve the Libyan
crisis.
–
State Information Centre, Egypt.
https://www.sis.gov.eg/section/0/9396?lang
=en-us.
