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VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue01 2025
PAGE NO.
31-36
10.37547/ijmef/Volume05Issue02-08
Evolving Sino-Uzbek relations: a constructivist analysis
of the belt and road initiative and recent reforms (2015-
2023)
Firdavs Azimqulov
International Relations, University of World Economy and Diplomacy, Uzbekistan
Received:
17 December 2024;
Accepted:
19 January 2025;
Published:
21 February 2025
Abstract:
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was launched by the People’s Republic of China in 2013. After a while,
it has been regarded as one of the most ambitious infrastructure projects throughout modern history due to its
trillion-dollar expenditures and the involvement of multiple states. It aims to connect the Eurasian and African
continents into one network of transport and trade routes. This initiative from a certain angle revives the ancient
Silk Road and promotes economic integration across regions. Uzbekistan is, from its geographical position, located
in a double-landlocked place in Central Asia. Hence, it has been experiencing difficulties in foreign trade and
political connectivity since its establishment. The Chinese project, the BRI, provides an opportunity to expand its
global presence and modernize its economy. Despite its significance, the academic space has not fully captured
the evolving dynamics of Sino-Uzbek relations under the BRI. Existing literature often addresses the broader scope
of the BR
I or China’s influence in Central Asia but fails to adequately explore Uzbekistan’s unique position within
the initiative. As a critical intersection in the China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor, Uzbekistan
represents a case of successful alignment between a national development strategy and a global connectivity
project. This underexplored aspect makes the study of Sino-Uzbek relations particularly relevant.
Keywords:
Sino-Uzbek relations, constructivist analysis, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Introduction:
In Uzbekistan since 2016, President
Shavkat Mirziyoyev has introduced significant political
reforms. These reforms focus on economic
liberalization, enhancing regional cooperation, and
attracting foreign investments. The alignment of these
reforms with the goals of the Belt and Road Initiative
has transformed Sino-Uzbek relations into a strategic
partnership. The effects of Mirziyoyev’s “Action
Strategy for 2017
–2021,” particularly in trade
liberalization and modernizing infrastructures, have
been a focal point in Uzbekistan’s active engagement
with the BRI. The Ferghana Va
lley’s Angren
-Pop railway
and the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan multimodal
corridor are two of the major infrastructure projects
that demonstrate the practical benefits of this
cooperation (Qoraboyev, 2018; Umarov, 2023). This
report seeks to answer the ques
tion: How have China’s
BRI-
related projects’ economic corridors (that cross the
territories of Uzbekistan) and did President
Sh.Mirziyoyev’s domestic reforms influence the
evolution of Sino-Uzbek relations. In order to make it
more transparent, the report shows things in sections.
As in the first paragraphs, the framework of the
relations between those states in IR theories is
included. The follow-up section is a background
description of the bilateral relationship throughout a
certain timeframe. After that, the analysis focuses on
key factors such as geopolitics, economics,
infrastructure, and identity. These are the main topics
being examined. The report concludes with a summary
of the findings and a discussion about why they are
important and future plausible policy suggestions.
Additional contexts concern the alignment of
Uzbekistan’s reforms with BRI goals, the role of
historical ties, and the impact on regional connectivity.
The study uses qualitative methods: they include both
governments’ bilateral an
d domestic policy documents,
bilateral trade data via BRI projects, and case studies of
key BRI projects in order to understand these dynamics.
By highlighting the role of shared ideas in international
International Journal of Management and Economics Fundamental
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International Journal of Management and Economics Fundamental (ISSN: 2771-2257)
relations, the paper sheds light on Central Asia’s
growing geopolitical importance.
Theoretical framework.
Bilateral relations between China and Uzbekistan
(mostly related to their interconnected initiative, BRI)
can be analyzed within constructivist viewpoints and its
framework. Realism, which centers its logic on ideas
like survival to the fittest, balance of power, strong
takes down weak states, etc., or liberalism, in which
institutional
cooperation
and
economic
interdependence are the only way to achieve true
prosperity. Unlike IR theories above, constructivism
highlights the importance of shared ideas, norms, and
identities in shaping the behavior of states. It will be
more accurate if one tries to imagine the sight of a
garden. Gardens’ growth depends not just on the
quality of soil or the weather becau
se its master’s
choices (about what to plant and how to nurture it) are
major influencers. Gardeners can create a magnificent
place or let it become another jungle, based on their
decisions. In the same way, states’ national interests
are rooted (not in human nature) in mutual
understandings of people rather than solely
determined by material realities. In short, a garden is
what its master makes of it, the analogy to Alexander
Wendt’s influential statement. (Wendt, 1999). Realism
explains state behavior as driven by survival and power
competition. In the context of Sino-Uzbek relations,
realism might highlight China’s pursuit of strategic
dominance in Central Asia and Uzbekistan’s balancing
foreign policy between major powers like Russia and
China. However, this attitude does not take the
cooperative dimension of their partnership and its
effect towards regional economic prosperity, and
stability into account. Liberalism, on the other hand,
would frame the BRI as an extension of institutional and
trade-based
cooperation, emphasizing Uzbekistan’s
integration into global markets. While valid, this view
neglects the role of cultural and historical ties that
underpin the relationship.
Constructivism fills the pores that were left out by
former theories to fully understand this phenomenon.
The theory recognizes how China’s portrayal of the BRI
projects is not merely power projection schemes but as
a “civilizational project”. Unexpectedly from the other
side, Uzbekistan’s historical identity, ancient Uzbek
cities such as Samarkand and Bukhara were renowned
as centers of trade, culture, and intellectual exchange,
which provided the foundations for Uzbekistan’s claim
as a key hub and controller of the ancient Silk Road that
resonates with its Chinese counterpart. Both narratives
affected the dynamics of the mutual partnership
between them. An interesting approach would be
comparing President Mirziyoyev’s speech about the
state of Uzbekistan as a “bridge” between Eastern and
Western continents and China’s one of the grea
t long-
term political visions of the whole of Eurasia. Both
political concepts somehow coincide with one another
and strive to promote the integration of Eurasia, which
accelerates mutual cooperation. (Dadabaev, 2018;
Komolitdinova & JianPing, 2020).
Uzbek
istan’s infrastructure projects are integrated into
the Belt and Road Initiative’s China
-Central Asia-West
Asia Economic Corridor, and this reflects both
economic pragmatism and a shared commitment to
regional connectivity. The $22.8 billion economic
packa
ge was signed during Mirziyoyev’s visit to China in
2017, and it clearly indicates that mutual trust and
aligned goals drive this partnership. Additionally, any
means of cultural and educational programs, like the
ones with Confucius Institutes and educational
exchanges. They also represent that shared norms and
values complete the part of material investments, and
strengthen cooperation. (Umarov, 2023; Qoraboyev,
2018).
Constructivism helps explain how Uzbekistan actively
shapes its relationship with China. Instead of just
accepting Chinese investments, Uzbekistan uses its
location and economic strengths to get fair deals that
benefit both sides. This challenges the common idea
that smaller countries are always dependent on bigger
ones. By looking at real examples and using
constructivist theory, we can see how complex the
relationship between Uzbekistan and China is. It also
shows that shared ideas and goals can have a big
impact on global projects like the Belt and Road
Initiative.
Background
Uzbekistan gained independence in 1991, and China
was one of the first countries to recognize it. That
action was a sign that their ties had been created since
its establishment. Diplomatic ties were established in
1992, although both sides would get little benefit. This
partnership gained traction as China emerged as a
major economic and political power. In the early years,
China’s engagement in Uzbekistan was limited to small
-
scale trade and technical assistance. During the
presidency period of Karimov, Uzbekistan basically
implemented protectionism. The early years of
Karimov and beyond that period had only one
substantial plan, the administration’s plan –
achieving
self-sufficiency as soon as possible. However, as the
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was introduced in 2013,
the dynamics of this relationship shifted significantly.
China is interested in Uzbekistan for several reasons.
Uzbekistan’s location is very important because it
connects key regions in the China-Central Asia-West
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International Journal of Management and Economics Fundamental (ISSN: 2771-2257)
Asia Economic Corridor. The country also has valuable
resources like natural gas, uranium, and rare earth
metals, which attract Chinese investments in energy
and mining. Along with economic reasons, China has
political goals. It wants to keep Central Asia stable to
stop extremism from spreading and to protect its
western areas, especially Xinjiang. (Dadabaev, 2018).
The death of President Islam Karimov in 2016 brought
big changes to Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. The new
president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, took a different
approach. He focused on working with neighboring
countries and opening up the economy. In February
2017, Uzbekistan adopted a thoroughly crafted reform
manifesto: the 2017-2021 National Development
Strategy. That strategy possesses five priority areas:
reform of public administration; reform of the judiciary
and empowering the rule of law; economic
development and liberalization; the social area; and
security and foreign policy. The Strategy concerns
accomplishing 5 main goals to boost economic
development and liberalization. First, it is to keep the
economy stable and maintain strong economic growth.
Another one is that it plans to make the national
economy more competitive by pushing for deeper
reforms and updating key industries. Third, it focuses
on improving agriculture and helping it grow faster.
Fourth, it includes reforms to reduce the government’s
control over the economy, protect private property
rights, and support small businesses and private
entrepreneurship. Finally, it emphasizes balanced
growth across all regions, districts, and cities to ensure
fair development everywhere. These reforms made
Uzbekistan a more attractive partner for China, aligning
with the BRI’s goals of connectivity and trade
facilitation. (South Caucasus and Central Asia, 2020).
Another subsequent government agenda is already in
process - the New Uzbekistan Development Strategy.
This strategy is somehow a further continuation of the
previous agenda and smoothly aligns with the BRI
projects. The well-known ancient Silk Road was
redesigned as the new g
lobal “The Silk Road Economic
Belt” over the land. To the world’s surprise, through the
seas as well, “21st Century Maritime Silk Road”. Both of
the projects were announced in the early fall as a “One
Belt One Road” project by China in 2013. Cultural,
political, economic, and free trade exchange structures
are shown through developing marine routes and
building roads over the land among 68 Asian, African,
and European countries. In figures, it is approximately
50% of resources in the universe and 40 percent of
global GDP are covered in this international project.
Establishing large-scale prospects for the nations that
were involved in the joint venture, the initiative has
been integrated with five aspects by the Chinese
government. These aspects are policy coordination,
infrastructure connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial
integration, and people-to-people bonds. Financial
integration calls for establishing a common financial
system within OBOR under the AIIB, BRICS New
Development
Bank,
Shanghai
Cooperation
Organization (SCO) development bank, and support the
Silk Road Fund. Building connections between nations
means promoting cultural and academic exchanges
that benefit everyone.
Throughout the previous decades, Uzbekistan has been
through relationships with big powers like Russia,
China, and the United States of America by balancing
relative influences. However, the vast amount of
Chinese investments through the Initiative has solely
made China a more important partner for Uzbekistan.
This has raised ques
tions about Uzbekistan’s ability to
maintain its strategic autonomy. Despite everything,
Uzbekistan's leadership still managed to turn this very
cooperation with China into an instrument for
promoting the interests of its national development
goals. For example, infrastructure modernization and
industrial growth: construction of the Angren-Pap
railway and modernization of the Navoi Free Economic
Zone (Qoraboyev, 2018).
Besides this, cultural and educational exchanges have
also warmed up Sino-Uzbek ties. The establishment of
Confucius Institutes in Uzbekistan and the growing
numbers of Uzbek students studying in China reflects a
softer power dimension of the relationship. Indeed,
these have led not only to greater people-to-people
contact but also to the creation of a labor force that
could operate and manage Chinese-driven initiatives
within the region. (Komolitdinova & JianPing, 2020).
The relationship has indeed been positive overall, but it
has also had its downside. Debts that come from
projects, dependency on Chinese technology, and
restricted local participation in BRI projects are all
sources of debate in Uzbekistan. Addressing these
issues is very crucial in order to ensure that the
partnership will be mutual and long-term. (Dadabaev,
2018).
Analysis.
Identity and Norm Evolution
Constructivist analysis highlights how shared norms
and historical identities have strengthened Sino-Uzbek
ties. For Uzbekistan’s nation,
its foreign policy, the Silk
Road narrative is not just a legacy or symbol but a tool
to project its aspirations for leadership in regional
connectivity and trade. This fits well with China’s idea
of the OBOR as a way to promote mutual growth. By
demonstr
ating its important role in the Silk Road’s
legacy, Uzbekistan has made itself a key partner in
International Journal of Management and Economics Fundamental
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International Journal of Management and Economics Fundamental (ISSN: 2771-2257)
China’s plans for better connections. (Dadabaev, 2018;
Komolitdinova & JianPing, 2020). The interplay
between historical identity and contemporary policy is
fur
ther evident in Uzbekistan’s proactive engagement
with the China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic
Corridor. Rather than passively responding to Chinese
initiatives, Uzbekistan has actively sought to shape its
role within the BRI framework, drawing on historical
and geographic advantages. Such a strategic approach
challenges traditional dependency narratives, placing
Uzbekistan as an agent in co-creating a new Silk Road
narrative with benefits for both nations.
Infrastructure development is central to the BRI
’s
impact in Uzbekistan. The Angren-Pap railway,
completed in 2016 with a $2 billion investment,
connects the Fergana Valley to Uzbekistan’s broader
transport network. This project reduces transport
times and costs, facilitating smoother trade flows. A
similar trend can be seen in the boost of regional trade
due to the multimodal corridor of China-Kyrgyzstan-
Uzbekistan. Using sea routes to transport goods
between these regions has decreased by 15% and
increased exports in agriculture, textiles, and
manufacturing (World Bank, 2020; Komolitdinova &
JianPing, 2020). The improvements in infrastructure
backed by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) also help
make the economy more inclusive. Investments in
secondary roads and logistics hubs enhance access for
remote communities, linking them to larger markets.
This dual effect of national and regional connectivity
highlights the BRI’s transformative potential. For the
sake of the national interest of Uzbekistan, these
mentioned projects are considered more than material
benefits; they, in some sense, symbolize a return to its
previous historical role as a key player in regional trade
(South Caucasus and Central Asia, 2020).
Governance in Uzbekistan under President Shavkat
Mirziyoyev has exhibited deep engagement with the
Chinese model of incremental reform. The similarity of
his pragmatic policy, especially his strategy of pilot
regions, is akin to the Chinese approach of "crossing the
river by feeling for stones." Indeed, Mirziyoyev is often
compared to Deng Xiaoping. For instance, the Jizzakh
region has been designated as a testing ground for
agricultural specialization, an initiative that reflects
how Uzbekistan adapts successful foreign practices to
its local context (Qoraboyev, 2018).
In addition, the experience of China in poverty
reduction has influenced the approaches of Uzbekistan.
By January 2022, Uzbekistan had set a national poverty
line of 498,000 Uzbekistani so'm ($46) per month,
drawing on the experiences of China's integrated
methods of poverty reduction. Emphasis on the
development of strong social infrastructure, such as
access to clean water and modernization of healthcare,
is in line with BRI principles of inclusive development.
During a February 2022 meeting in Beijing, Mirziyoyev
and Xi Jinping agreed to jointly study and implement
Chinese methods of combating poverty. This alignment
demonstrates the integration of governance practices
rooted in shared developmental goals (South Caucasus
and Central Asia Belt and Road Initiative, 2020;
Qoraboyev, 2018).
Economic Integration
Uzbekistan and China have signed numerous joint
agreements for regional economic integration under
the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). These joint
agreements can be considered full proof of the
existence of constructivism principles. China turned
into the largest investor in Uzbekistan after the
construction of the BRI in 2015. Bilateral trade grew
from $4.1 billion in 2015 to $9.8 billion in 2022. These
investments are mostly spent on key sectors such as
renewable energy firms in the Navoi and Samarkand
regions, on the development of industrial parks and
logistics centers.
The normative evolution within the Sino-Uzbek
economic relationship is evident in the creation of new
financial and regulatory frameworks. For example, the
unifi
cation of Uzbekistan’s currency exchange rates
and guarantees for investor rights demonstrate how
shared principles of economic openness have been
institutionalized. This reflects a shift in Uzbekistan’s
norms toward greater integration into global financial
systems, facilitated by its partnership with China.
Cultural values also help in building economic ties.
Frequent meetings between leaders and long-term
agreements show mutual respect and understanding.
Sino-Uzbek nations seeing their political leaders having
a collaborative project with a strong emphasis on a win-
win position possibly create a cooperative identity. This
evolution will make working easier for both parties.
Using constructivist ideas and real-life examples, we
can see that the partnership between Uzbekistan and
China is not just about money. It is about shared values
and cooperation as well.
Geopolitical Implications
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has dramatically
changed Uzbekistan's strategic situation. The Initiative
put the country in the context of regional and global
connectivity. By joining economic corridors like the
China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor,
Uzbekistan has improved its standing as a key transit
country. This passage makes Uzbekistan stronger on
the world stage and connects trade routes from East
Asia to Europe and the Middle East. From a
constructivist perspective, changing scenarios reflect
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shifting regional norms where connectivity and
interdependence are rewriting the meaning of power.
Probably the most important transformative project,
but one that really epitomizes these changes, is the
China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan corridor. This is a multi-
modal corridor, bypassing traditional Russian-
dominated routes, giving Uzbekistan much greater
scope to develop alternative routes and decrease
reliance on Moscow. Uzbekistan establishes a key
position in Central Asia through this corridor, therefore
supporting new norms of multipolar engagement
stressing sovereignty and balanced diplomacy. These
changes indicate how actively Uzbekistan shapes its
geopolitical identity instead of merely following
different outside influences. (Dadabaev, 2018; Umarov,
2023). Another important and extensive corridor is the
Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, which
connects Uzbekistan to Europe by crossing states like
Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The line will
replace existing overland routes across Russia. TITR will
give Uzbekistan a broader range of options in the
European market and will also facilitate a wider range
of its commercial relations. Closer relations with both
Turkey and the European Union make Uzbekistan less
dependent on one player and allow it to evolve towards
greater regional autonomy and multilateralism.
Constructivist analysis may underline the fact that
participation means a redefinition of role of Uzbekistan
within the global order according to common ideas on
regional development and integration.
For China, or any other great power security concerns
will always be the priority; for China’s domestic
policy,
its Xinjiang. Through the connection with Uzbekistan
(Central Asia), it eliminates the causes of future
possible regional instability. Additionally, the People’s
Republic of China will surely benefit from accessing
new foreign local markets, and resources. The
narratives about the Silk Road revival are present in
both countries, and this situation consolidates mutual
trust between China and Uzbekistan. High-level
diplomatic exchanges and cultural initiatives, including
joint festivals and Confucius Institutes, further
institutionalize this trust, reflecting how norms evolve
alongside material investments (Komolitdinova &
JianPing, 2020). The Belt and Road Initiative’s lines, and
corridors crossed more than 64 countries. If those
countries were categorized based on their energy
business with China, nearly half of them would be
included in the coal-leading energy category, and
Uzbekistan would be one of them.
The BRI has given Uzbekistan a chance to rebalance its
foreign policy. At the same time as nurturing close
relations with China, Uzbekistan is still pursuing
relations with Russia, Turkey, and Western powers.
This shows a normative turn toward pragmatic
diplomacy, in which Uzbekistan maximizes its
geopolitical benefit while maintaining sovereignty. The
diversification of trade and diplomatic channels
through BRI corridors has given Uzbekistan the leeway
it needs to negotiate in an increasingly complex
international environment. This approach, therefore,
befits the constructivist logic by highlighting how
changing norms and identities shape a nation's external
engagements.
Domestic industries in Uzbekistan have increasingly
collaborated with Chinese firms to leverage
technological expertise. For instance, Artel, the largest
electronics manufacturer in Uzbekistan, partners with
the Chinese firm Midea to produce a wide range of
consumer electronics, from smartphones to household
appliances. This collaboration illustrates the increasing
reliance on Chinese technology in almost all spheres,
from consumer goods to government infrastructure
projects. In 2018, a controversy erupted when it was
revealed that art installations in Tashkent were sourced
directly from AliExpress, illustrating the depth of
reliance
on
Chinese
e-commerce
platforms
(Qoraboyev, 2018; South Caucasus and Central Asia
Belt and Road Initiative, 2020).
CONCLUSION
The development of Sino-Uzbek relations through the
Belt and Road Initiative shows how combining national
reforms with global projects can create significant
change. A constructivist perspective highlights how
shared ideas and historical ties have shaped this
collaboration.
Uzbekistan's participation in projects like the China-
Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor has
improved its political and economic influence. These
projects have made Uzbekistan a key player in regional
connections and given it more control over its foreign
policy. The idea of Uzbekistan as a bridge between East
and West connects to its history on the Silk Road. China
benefits from secure trade routes and resources while
sharing a vision of reviving the Silk Road with
Uzbekistan. The government should look into these
several possible foreign policy suggestions. They are
plausible for the future implications for the Republic of
Uzbekistan. Initially, balance is not solely attached to
military power but to other fields as well. Hence,
Uzbekistan should continue to expand its diplomatic
and trade relations beyond China to maintain
economic, and strategic autonomy. Engagement with
other regional and global actors, including Turkey, the
European Union, and India, can help Uzbekistan avoid
over-dependence on a single partner. On the other
hand, Uzbekistan should benefit from making the
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International Journal of Management and Economics Fundamental (ISSN: 2771-2257)
relationship levels of Russia and China equal in every
means of level to stabilize political advantage. In
addition, the government should engage more actively
with BRI projects and their collaboration process with
local businesses. Constructing major partnership
agreements as joint ventures will provide stable and
equal opportunities and income within the place of
Uzbekistan. Also, Uzbekistan could plausibly be at an
advantage by managing the risks of foreign debt
dependencies by spending a high proportion of loans
on investing in local industrial or post-industrial firms.
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