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DIGITAL ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM IN UZBEKISTAN: THEORETICAL AND
PRACTICAL APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES
Kim L. A.
Senior Lecturer, Department of
Social Sciences, Humanities and Languages, Almalyk Branch
of Tashkent Technical University, Republic of Uzbekistan
Abstract:
The article examines the phenomenon of digital environmental activism in the
context of digital transformation of Uzbekistan. An overview of theoretical approaches to
understanding digital civic participation and environmental initiatives in the online space is
provided. Examples of digital initiatives in Uzbekistan are described, key challenges and risks
are identified. An attempt is made to adapt foreign theoretical models to the regional context. In
conclusion, the article offers the author's vision of the possibilities of integrating these
approaches to study environmental online activism in the context of the scientific environment
of Uzbekistan.
Keywords:
ecology, digital activism, Internet technologies, digital society, online communities,
digital humanities
Introduction
One of the most important challenges facing modern Uzbek society is the so-called
“information revolution” — the rapid spread of digital technologies that radically transform
social relations and the structures of everyday life. These changes are particularly evident in the
emergence of new forms of social interaction, such as digital civic participation and
environmental activism, as well as the widespread introduction of automated solutions and
elements of “smart” infrastructure in the urban environment [1-5].
In recent years, Uzbekistan has been making large-scale efforts to digitalize public
administration and modernize information and communication technologies (ICT). This is
reflected in strategic documents such as the “Digital Uzbekistan Strategy – 2030”, the
“Electronic Government” program, as well as numerous initiatives in the field of Smart City
and open data. Key priorities include the development of a digital state, expanding
opportunities for citizen participation in governance, ensuring transparency in decision-making,
and digital inclusion [6,7].
At the community and city level, there is growing interest in electronic platforms, geographic
information systems, mobile applications and social networks through which citizens can
express their opinions, participate in discussions of urban problems and initiate public
campaigns. Such digital tools are becoming an important channel of feedback between society
and the state and allow for a faster response to environmental and social challenges [8].
Digital activism in the field of ecology has received particular development. Online
environmental communities have begun to form in Uzbekistan, and platforms for
crowdsourcing and electronic volunteering are appearing. Citizens are increasingly turning to
digital technologies to solve local environmental problems - from monitoring illegal tree felling
to monitoring air quality. Actions organized in social networks are in some cases more effective
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than traditional forms of collective action [9].
Experience shows that in the event of natural disasters or emergencies, digital communication
channels become the main source of coordination and dissemination of information. For
example, during dust storms in Karakalpakstan or floods in the Surkhandarya region, online
initiatives and network volunteer movements played a significant role [10].
However, despite the growing interest in digital activism, scientific understanding of this
phenomenon in Uzbekistan is still fragmentary. Unlike the extensive international literature,
where digital civil activism is actively studied from the standpoint of theories of network
society (Castells), digital democracy, civic science and environmental humanities, domestic
research on this topic is still in its infancy [11].
Thus, the purpose of this article is to analyze modern foreign and domestic theoretical and
methodological approaches to the study of digital environmental activism. In addition, the work
attempts to adapt the existing theoretical framework to the conditions of Uzbekistan and
identify prospects for further research in this area.
Research methods
.
The methodological basis for the analysis was scientific publications presented in such
international and regional databases as Google Scholar, Web of Science, Scopus, Elibrary, etc.
The main key concepts used in the selection of literature were: digital environmental activism,
electronic participation of citizens, ecology and digital technologies, crowdsourcing,
crowdfunding, network mobilization, civic science, online activism, etc. In total, the study
included more than 100 scientific articles published over the past 10 years. The analysis was
carried out in the context of the need for scientific understanding of the digital transition of
Uzbekistan and the search for effective models of involving citizens in sustainable development.
The international scientific literature offers the following theoretical models of analysis:
Network Society Theory (Castells, 2001): the digital environment as the basis for horizontal
forms of interaction; Deliberative Democracy Hypothesis (Habermas, 1996); Concepts of civic
science and crowdsourcing (Bonney et al., 2009); Theories of digital humanities and
"environmental consciousness" (Parikka, 2015).
In Uzbekistan, there is no systematic research base in this area, although fragmentary
publications appear in such publications as "O‘zbekiston fanlari akademiyasi axborotnomasi",
"Falsafa va huquq", as well as on the Google Scholar portal. It is important to note the need to
adapt Western models to the realities of Central Asia, taking into account the specifics of digital
inequality, religious and cultural sensitivity and limited access to network platforms in the
regions.
Results
In modern scientific literature, two key approaches to the analysis of digital activism have been
developed. The first emphasizes the universality of digital technologies, the second focuses on
the practical activities of the activists themselves. This dualistic vision encourages researchers
to a more comprehensive and critical understanding of digital activist practices. Thus, J. Garrett
suggests that as a starting point for analysis, we should consider first of all the “mobilization
structures” of the digital space, and only then its technical and technological characteristics. In
this context, it is advisable to consider Internet technologies in three aspects: as a channel for
accessing information, a means of communication, and a tool for accessing virtual public
platforms.
The lack of a single scientific definition of digital activism is explained, in particular, by the
fact that it is studied within the framework of many disciplines - from anthropology and
sociology to political science, media studies, art and design. This gives the problematic
interdisciplinary richness, but at the same time complicates the development of common
approaches and conceptual apparatus. In this study, relying on both of these approaches, we
will understand digital environmental activism as voluntary, selfless and collective activity
carried out on the basis of common environmental values and implemented through new
information and communication technologies in the public space.
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Modern ICTs provide society with fundamentally new channels for expressing civic positions
and participating in collective initiatives, forming networked, decentralized models of
interaction in which there is no traditional hierarchy and formalized leadership. The digital
space is characterized by anonymity, diversity, flexibility and a high degree of adaptation,
which makes it attractive for self-organization (GRANI Center, 2012). Moreover, digital
technologies are becoming a significant tool for developing individual and collective
competencies: they contribute to the development of skills in environmental monitoring, critical
analysis of information and the formation of environmental literacy.
Networked communications that emerge in the digital environment become a source of
resources needed for offline activism, including crowdsourcing and joint implementation of
environmental initiatives (Zuo et al., 2016). An example is the use of mobile sensors by
activists to measure air quality and then publish and visualize the data on online maps such as
Google Maps (Baruch, May, Yu, 2016; Ventura, Mallet, Issarny, 2018). Such practices allow
for a critical rethinking of official environmental statistics and the identification of
environmental problems ignored by the state.
However, the digitalization of civic engagement is not without its contradictions. Along with
the positive aspects pointed out by supporters of techno-optimism, there are a number of
significant limitations emphasized by techno-pessimists. In particular, it is noted that the digital
format of participation often leads to alienation from real forms of protest activity, replacing
them with symbolic online participation. In addition, digital activity is not available to all
segments of the population, which reinforces social and digital inequality - by territorial, age
and technological characteristics.
These complexities are reflected in attempts to classify digital forms of participation. Thus,
Harlow and Harp (2012) proposed the concept of “fast activism”, which describes short-term
forms of participation limited to simple actions on the Internet (for example, signing petitions),
without moving on to offline initiatives. The author associates such forms with the phenomenon
of “slacktivism” – low-intensity participation that does not involve significant time, emotional
or resource costs. Unlike real activism, which requires effort and is associated with risk,
slacktivism is more of an imitation of participation that brings symbolic moral satisfaction.
Such forms of digital interaction are highly dynamic and unstable: participants can easily join
online movements and leave them just as quickly. In addition, the sustainability of virtual
communities largely depends on the organizational initiative of individuals, since many groups
are not ready to jointly distribute the organizational and financial costs necessary for long-term
activity.
Digital environmental activism in the context of Uzbekistan is becoming an important channel
for expressing a civic position, especially against the backdrop of increasing environmental
challenges and developing digital infrastructure. In the domestic scientific and expert
community, there is a growing interest in studying this phenomenon both from the point of
view of the universality of ICT and with an emphasis on specific practices of civic participation,
including in the environmental sphere. As in international theory (Kaun, Uldam, 2017), both
approaches are relevant in Uzbekistan: technological universalism and an emphasis on the
agency of activists. This is confirmed by cases, for example, on air quality monitoring in
Tashkent or environmental initiatives in the Fergana Valley.
One of the key theorists of digital civic participation is Castells, who points to the special nature
of digital space as a hybrid arena of autonomous communication. In Uzbekistan, where state
digitalization is actively developing within the framework of the Digital Uzbekistan 2030
program and the Open Government concept, such a model is acquiring particular importance:
digital platforms, including state ones, are beginning to perform the functions of public spaces.
However, despite the emerging opportunities, barriers remain, in particular, the digital
inequality between the urban and rural population, the youth and the elderly, men and women.
Digital environmental activism in Uzbekistan is predominantly of an observational and
informative nature: dissemination of information, likes, reposts and petitions. Examples include
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social media campaigns against tree felling in Tashkent, petitions against illegal construction in
natural areas and support for waste recycling initiatives. These actions correspond to the
Milbrath model of “observational” and “transit” digital activism (Milbrath, 1985). However,
forms of “gladiatorial” actions – digital exposure or hacktivism – are practically non-existent,
which is explained by both cultural factors (focus on consensus) and legal restrictions.
In Uzbekistan, digital activism, including environmental activism, is also manifested through
citizen complaint and appeal platforms such as “my.gov.uz” and “meningfikrim.uz”. However,
the effectiveness of these platforms in the context of environmental issues varies: digital
infrastructure exists, but is often not accompanied by adequate response and reaction
mechanisms.
Weak institutional support for civil initiatives and insufficient environmental literacy among the
population remain serious barriers. Despite the fact that courses on sustainable development are
being introduced in schools and universities, according to the Center for Environmental
Education under the State Committee for Ecology and Environmental Protection of the
Republic of Uzbekistan, the level of citizens' awareness of digital environmental tools remains
low.
Research conducted by Uzbek scientists (e.g., L.A. Kim, Sharipov, T. Ermatov, and others)
points to the need for a comprehensive approach that includes education, community
participation, and the development of digital competencies. In this regard, adapting “citizen
science” approaches that involve residents in collecting environmental data—for example,
through mobile applications for monitoring air pollution that can be used even with poor
internet access—can be useful.
A critical aspect of digital environmental activism in Uzbekistan is the limited availability of
digital resources: a low level of digital culture among some of the population, insufficient
technical equipment, and weak cybersecurity. This requires adapting international models
(including those developed within the framework of projects such as EU4Environment and
OSCE Green Economy) to local conditions, including language, cultural code, digital literacy,
and trust in institutions.
It is necessary to develop a research base on this topic in Uzbekistan, including interdisciplinary
research in the field of social and digital sciences, ecology and law. Particular attention should
be paid to youth initiatives, such as the Green Alliance of Uzbekistan, student clubs and
hackathons held at universities (for example, at the Tashkent University of Information
Technologies and the National University of Uzbekistan), where digital participation skills are
formed.
Thus, the diversity of forms of digital participation opens up new prospects for researchers to
study this phenomenon, including an assessment of its strengths and weaknesses in achieving
real results, which activist activities are aimed at.
Conclusions
The lack of a unified approach to defining the phenomenon of digital environmental activism is
due to its interdisciplinary nature. In this study, it is understood as voluntary collective activity
based on common environmental values and aimed at the public, selfless use of ICT
to achieve environmentally significant goals.
Digital forms of environmental participation are ambiguous in nature. On the one hand, they
change traditional models of interaction between citizens, the state and organizations, allowing
citizens not only to perceive information, but also to actively produce and disseminate it. This
expands the range of influence of civil society on decision-making, including in areas such as
waste management, preservation of green areas, and combating air and water pollution.
Digital environmental activism is an important vector of interaction between civil society and
the state in the information age. For Uzbekistan, focused on sustainable development and
environmental safety, the systematic development of online environmental participation can
become a powerful resource for environmental education and mobilization of citizens. Further
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scientific development of the theoretical and methodological foundations for analyzing digital
activism is needed, taking into account the national context.
In Uzbekistan, examples of local digital initiatives aimed at improving the urban environment
are already emerging, especially in cities such as Tashkent, Nukus and Samarkand.
Analysis of digital environmental participation requires taking into account the diversity of
online activities, depending on the degree of involvement and motivation of the participants. An
example of a comprehensive approach to classifying such forms of activity is Milbrath’s model,
which identifies three levels of participation: passive (spectator), intermediate (transit), and
active (gladiatorial). He also identified ten types of digital activity, including “clicktivism,”
digital petitioning, e-finance, consumerism, data activism, and even “botivism” and
“hacktivism.”
Despite the growing interest of citizens in modern digital solutions and the formation of new
practices of participation in solving social and environmental issues, research in the field of
digital environmental activism in Uzbekistan remains at an early stage. This gap requires a
comprehensive analysis and systematization of existing approaches developed in both foreign
and domestic scientific literature. International researchers, as a rule, focus either on the
features of digital technologies that launch new forms of participation, or on the internal
structure of environmental activism itself.
The study of digital environmental activism in Uzbekistan also requires the involvement of a
wide range of disciplines - sociology, ecology, digital humanities, media communications,
cultural anthropology and geography. Thus, sociologists analyze eco-mobilization, collective
actions and behavioral attitudes of citizens, while researchers of digital technologies turn to
theories of media, digital environments and social construction of technologies. These different
focuses create methodological gaps, but at the same time - the potential for productive
interdisciplinary synergy.
One of the promising areas is the use of digital environmental humanities as a theoretical
framework that combines online and offline dimensions of environmental practices. This
approach allows for a critical analysis of the production of environmental knowledge, its
representation in digital environments, as well as communication barriers between virtual and
real spaces. It is especially important to consider how environmental ideas and initiatives are
transferred from the digital sphere to real actions, and what obstacles (technological, social,
organizational) hinder this transition in the context of Uzbekistan.
The analysis of ICTs not only as an information channel, but also as a tool for mobilization is
becoming relevant: for example, from the point of view of theories of social construction of
technologies or usability assessment of platforms. At the same time, actor-network analysis,
which is still little used in national studies, can become significant for understanding the nature
of the connections between participants in digital communities, but is capable of shedding light
on the configurations of interactions between participants in online eco-platforms and activist
communities.
To reveal the motivations, values and attitudes of users of digital platforms, social and
psychological theories explaining involvement in environmental actions are useful. Milbrath's
typology can be tested on Uzbek material, allowing us to identify the features of local digital
activism, including taking into account cultural and institutional factors.
Thus, the proposed analytical approaches do not claim to be universal, but serve as an invitation
to develop the research imagination, to form new empirical and conceptual perspectives for
understanding the processes of digital environmental participation in Uzbekistan.
References
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Society. Vol. 15. No. 2. P. 196–216.
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