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LITERARY-CRITICAL REMARKS IN THE BABUR-NAME
Orasta Omonova
PhD candidate, Department of History of Classikal Literature,
Sharof Rashidov Samarkand State University,
Samarkand, 140100, Uzbekistan
Abstract:
This article focuses on examining Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur’s approach to
literature and his literary-critical thoughts as presented in his
Babur-name
. The paper analyzes
Babur's engagement with literature, his comments on literary figures, and his reflections on
literary criticism within his memoirs. Babur, through his work, provides insights into the social
and cultural role of literature in his time. The article delves into Babur's objectivity in evaluating
works, his reflections on poetic activity, and his historical judgments on literary practices in the
Timurid period. His remarks on the works of poets and intellectuals in the context of his reign
highlight the significant interplay between literature and politics, showing how Babur's personal
experiences shaped his views on literary traditions and their social implications.
Keywords:
Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur, Babur-name, literature, literary criticism, Chagatai
literature, Uzbek literature, Timurids, poets, literary studies
Among the many interests of the author of Babur-name, Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur,1 is
literature, especially contemporary literature. As usual, he does not mince his words here and
often expresses himself in a blunt manner. While he strives for objectivity and reasoned
judgment in most cases, this is not entirely assured in cases where, in his opinion, certain basic
principles have been violated by those criticized; this is especially true in the case of his (in the
truest sense of the word) sworn enemy, the Uzbek leader Muhammad Shaybani. This article
attempts to summarize Babur's most important literary-critical (and literary-historical) remarks.
The question of his own work, the literature read in Babur's circle, or which literature he cites on
various occasions in his memoirs outside of his literary-critical remarks must remain
unaddressed here.
The material we wish to examine is very heterogeneous. It includes biographies of poets in the
passage on Sultan Husayn Mirza of Herat (1469-1506), remarks of varying length on poetic
activity in other biographies, mentions of literary figures in descriptions of milieus, and
references to literature through quotations in various text types (historical narrative, description
of milieu, description of characters, biography, interspersed episodes). The material ranges from
detailed remarks on the work of individual authors, both on a formal level (in the context of a
self-review)2 and on a content level (enriched with biographical information and illustrative
episodes), to succinct mentions of poetic activity, the presence, or the origins of a poet. Some of
the accounts are illustrated with quotations from the person being discussed. Authors of various
types of literature include: Islamic jurists, Shaykhulislam, mullahs, other dignitaries, (anonymous)
astronomers, professional poets, and educated amateur poets such as emirs, princes, sultans, and
khans, as well as Babur himself.3 The image Babur conveys of literature also provides insight
into the social role(s) of literature at the time. It should be noted here that poetry (in Persian and
Chagatai), at least for those who came from the "civilized" regions of Mawarannahr and
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Khorasan (both Timurid), was a fairly widespread "cultural practice." The fact that they wrote
poetry is treated in the same context as their military achievements in the case of sultans, princes,
and emirs, and in the same context as the fulfillment of their respective professional duties in the
case of clergy, scientists, and others. This, of course, is initially only Babur's perspective – but
this is precisely what underpins the relevance of his remarks: he proves himself to be an alert and,
in many cases, objective observer and critical mind in many other areas as well, and (ultimately,
as a pâdišâh), he has, based on his biography, promoted the literary-critical position he advocated
through his own initiative or influence on those around him – as this essay also shows (along
with many other works on Chagatai literature, which, of course, also and sometimes primarily
make use of the information contained in the Babur-name). What do we learn about the approach
to literature in Babur's time? Babur and his entourage were bilingual (Persian-Chagatai), and
thus poetry and recite (sing) were written in both languages, which is impressively documented
on the occasion of a wine-fueled excursion (249b/German 6384). Apparently, among poetry
enthusiasts in Babur's time, the creation of chronograms, i.e., writings in which the added
numerical value of the Arabic letters indicates the date of an event, was a fashion. Three Persian
poems referring to the historical events of Ulugh Beg and his patricidal son Abdullatif Mirza are
cited without an author's citation;5 the third of these poems contains in its last line the
chronogram of Abdullatif Mirza's death (and here the precise Arabic transcription really plays a
role): Bâbâ Ḥusayn kušt 'Baba Husayn slew him' (50b/German 182) = year 853 of the Hijra.6
Furthermore, after the victory over the Rajput leader Rana Sangha (Rana Sangram Singh), Shayx
Zayn found the chronogram fatḥ-i pâdišâh-i islâm ('Victory of the Ruler of Islam' (325a/German
787 f.), as well as, and independently of, him also Mir Gesu; this coincidence is repeated in the
chronogram on the occasion of the conquest of Dipalpur, where both found the words vasaṭ-i
šahr-i rabîʿuʾl-avval ('mid-month of Rabiʾulavval'). The birth of Babur's son Humayun is also
commemorated with chronograms. Thus, the poet Mavlana Sayyidi found the chronogram Sulṭân
Humayûn Xân, while another, less well-known and unnamed poet found Šâh-i fîrûzqadr ('king
victorious by force') (215b/German 537). Satirical reworkings of traditional literature were also
enjoyed. When describing the entertainment district of Gulkana (German: Gülgine) in
Samarkand, Babur quotes a Persian parody of a Hafiz verse about this district: "Oh, happy times,
when carefree / we lingered in Gülgine / Many a day in the circle of nefarious rabble"
(128b/German: 346, 910).7 As he admits, he also wrote humorous and satirical verses himself,
until, while writing the Mubin,8 the thought occurred to him that it would be foolish to use a
language with so many beautiful words for "ugly" sentences. When Babur once forgets his
resolutions and writes another joke poem, he promptly falls ill, vows to finally improve, and
expresses his regret in poem form (253a/German 647 f.). With several of his statements, Babur
proves himself more of a literary historian than a literary critic. The following is a brief overview
of these somewhat historically interesting but rather brief remarks on the subject of literature
from descriptions of the milieu and biographies of emirs. For example, in the comprehensive
description of Ferghana, in the partial description of Marghinan, he mentions that the author of
the Hidâya comes from the village of Rishdan, which belongs to Marghinan (3b/German 87);9
his work on Islamic law is held in high esteem by members of the Hanafi school of law, which is
mentioned in the description of Samarkand in connection with the mention of other Islamic
scholars (45a/German 172). Also mentioned in the Ferghana passage is the poet Asiruddin
Axsikat, who comes from Axsi, which was formerly called Axsikat (4b/German 89).
Shayx Abu Manshur10 is mentioned in the Samarkand description. He originally came from the
Mâturîd district of Samarkand, which is why the school he founded is called Mâturîdiyya, in
contrast to the Ash'ariyya (45a/German 172).11 Xvâǰa Ismâʾîl, the author of the Saḥîḥ-i Buxârî,
who came from Transoxiana (45a/German 172), also appears here.12 We learn from the
biographies of the emirs in the description of Sultan Ahmad Mirza that a certain Darvish Beg
was an expert in music, played several instruments, and had an inclination towards poetry (21a-
b/German 123). Babur reports that one of Sultan Husayn Mirza's emirs, Mirza Ahmad ʿAlî Farsi
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Barlas, was a talented man and well-versed in poetry, but he did not write poetry himself
(172a/German 440). Another of Sultan Husayn Mirza's emirs, Hasan ʿAlî Jalayir, composed
masterful qasids under the name Tufaylî. He joined Babur when he conquered Samarkand and
dedicated many beautiful qasids to him during the five or six years of his service. As a person,
however, he was unscrupulous, extravagant, and a lover of handsome boys, dice, and board
games (174b-175a/German 445 f.). A poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza, ʿAbdullâh Masnavîgûy, who
wrote under the name Hatifî, came from Jam, was a sister's son of Jami, and (as his nickname
indicates) composed Mesnevis. He wrote a Haft Manẓar based on Niẓamî's Haft Paykar, and his
Temür-nâme is based on Niẓamî's Alexander Book. His supposedly most famous mesnevi,
Laylâ-u
Maǰnûn, is, however, overrated (180b/German 458).13 Another poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza,
Mîr Ḥusayn Muʿamâʾî, dedicated his entire life (as his nickname suggests) to the art of riddle-
making, which he mastered uniquely. Babur attests to his modest, unpretentious nature, without
any trace of malice.
(180b/German 458) Another poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Mullâ Muḥammad Badakši, came
from Ishkemiš, which is not even in Badakšan. He entered Babur's service while still in
Samarkand and was pleasant to be around. His works are said to have not reached the quality of
other poets of Sultan Husayn Mirza. He
wrote a treatise on riddles, but his own riddles were not very successful. (181a/German 458)
Another poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Yusuf Badi,
seems to have been known to Babur only by name, for he expresses himself in indirect
perspective by saying that his Qaseeds were not bad (qasîdanï yaman aytmas ekändur,
181a/German 459). Another poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Ahi, who "later" (songralar) was in
the service of Ibn-i Husayn Mirza, composed beautiful ghazals and also left behind a Divan.
(181a/German 459) Another poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Shah Husayn Kami, is rated by Babur
as "not bad" (yaman emäs). Babur does not seem to have a thorough knowledge of his work, as
he mentions his ghazals, while he is uncertain whether a Divan also exists . Another poet of
Sultan Husayn Mirza, Ahlî, was a common man who wrote a Divan; Babur also judges his verses
to be not bad . A wrestler of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Muhammad Bu Sa'id, was very pleasant to be
around and had all kinds of talents. He also wrote verses and composed; Babur especially
mentions a good (yaxshi) song in the style of chargah .
A poet of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Mavlana Abdurrahman Jaami, was considered a paragon of
knowledge of sacred and secular matters. He was the greatest of the court poets; after him came
Shayxim Suhayli and Hasan Ali Tufayli Jalayir. Surprisingly, he is not commented on further,
which is probably due to the fact that his work is already considered well-known .
Some legal scholars and their works are also examined in more detail. A Shaykhulislam of
Sultan Husayn Mirza, Mulla ʿAbdulġafûr Lar Mavlana, was a student of Jami and a highly
educated, modest, and unpretentious man. He had recited most of his teacher's poetry in his
presence and written a kind of commentary on Nafaḥâtuʾl-Uns ("Breaths of Familiarity"), 17 i.e.,
on a collection of 582 saints' lives compiled in 1478 .
Another Shaykhulislam of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Qâẓî Ixtiyâr, is the author of an outstanding
treatise on jurisprudence, written in Persian. He also compiled a collection of Quranic verses of
similar significance to shed light on their meaning. Scientific literature is also mentioned. When
mentioning the Korägän tablets, Babur makes a brief excursion into astronomical and
astrological literature. These astronomical tables were compiled on the orders of Ulugh Beg and,
in Babur's time, were still in use "throughout the world" (ʿâlamda); other tables are said to be
rarely used. Previously, the Ilkhanic tables, compiled by Xvâǰa Nasir Tûsî19 at the behest of the
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Ilkhan (or better: El-xan) Hülägü in Maragha, were used. Before that, there were the Ma'munic
tables, commissioned by the Caliph al-Ma'mun (46b-47a/German: 175 f.).
In some cases, Babur takes the trouble to introduce the author being presented with a sample of
his work. This happens especially when he recognizes at least a certain talent in the respective
author or finds his work otherwise noteworthy.
A Persian distich is quoted from one of the emirs of Omar Shayx Mirza (Babur's father), Ḥasan
Yaʿqûb Beg, which can be rendered as follows: "Come back,
O phoenix, for without the parrot of your down / the raven is about to carry away
my bones" (13b).20 One of the emirs of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Aḥmad Ḥâǰǰî Beg, who
under the name Vafâʾî, wrote a divan and was a patron of Navaʾi when he was exiled to
Samarkand by the Timurid ruler Abu Said. According to Babur, his poems were not bad at all,
and he quotes the following lines (originally in Persian): "I'm drunk, muhtasib. Leave me alone
today. / Chastise me on a day you find me sober" (21a).21 A son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza,
Baysonġor Mîrzâ,22 loved wine, was generous, just, and also talented in calligraphy and painting.
He, too, composed beautiful verses, but they are not sufficient for a divan; he is quoted with the
following lines (originally in Persian): "Like a shadow I stumble and fall from weakness. / If I
don't lean against a wall I fall down" (68b). His poems were said to be found in almost every
house in Samarkand.
One of Sultan Husayn Mirza's fourteen sons, Shah Gharib Mirza, wrote poetry in Persian and
Turkish under the name Gurbati, such as the Persian lines:
"I spied a beauty in the lane and became mad for her. / What is her name?" I do not know her
house.” (166a).24 He was lame and deformed,
but of good nature; his father made him governor of Herat; he died childless, even before his
father. Another son of Sultan Husayn Mirza,
Muḥammad Husayn Mirza, is said to have had some talent as a poet, so much so that he
quotes the Persian lines: “Covered with dust, whom are you hunting down? / Drenched in sweat,
into whose warm heart have you penetrated?” (166b).25 He is said to have been imprisoned in
Iraq together with the Safavid Shah Ismail, where he became his student and thus a (Shiite)
“heretic,” who died in Astarabad. Perhaps this is why Babur's judgment is such that, although he
was praised for his bravery, no deed of his is worthy of recording.
For Sultan Husayn Mirza's eldest son, Badî'uzzamân Mîrzâ,26 a certain Mullâ Muḥammad Tâlib
Muʿamâʾî ('the Riddle Maker') composed the following Persian lines about the citadel of Kabul:
"Drink wine in Kabul citadel, send round
the cup again and again, / for there is both mountain and water, both city and
countryside" (129a). An emir of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Shayxïm Beg, was called Shayxïm
Suhaylî by the people because he wrote poetry under the name Suhaylî. He is said to have
composed fantastic, terrifying verses and left behind a divan and several mesnevis. The
following (Persian) verse is quoted: "On the night of grief, the whirlpool of my cries swept the
celestial spheres away. / The dragon of my torrential tears carried off the inhabited quarter of the
world" (174a). It is mentioned that the poet Jami then said: "Are you writing verses or do you
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want to frighten people?" (174a).
In some places, Babur takes a position, both good and bad, on the work of various authors. He
expresses his criticism without regard for the person, which is often supported by arguments.
According to Babur, Sultan Husayn Mirza, the Timurid ruler of Herat, was quite gifted as a poet.
He composed a collection of poems under the name Ḥusaynî, which he claimed was not bad,
even though it was consistently written in the same meter (164b).29 An emir of Sultan Husayn
Mirza, Xvâǰa ʿAbdullâh Murvârîd, was first a sadr.30 He played the dulcimer (qânûn) excellently
and had his own method of plucking the strings. He was also a calligrapher, a good letter writer,
and a poet who used the name Bayânî; however, his poetic abilities did not match his other
talents. He loved sinful pleasures, as a result of which he became ill; apparently paralyzed in his
arms and legs, he languished for several years (175a). One of Sultan Husayn Mirza's poets was
Asafi, who called himself that because he was the son of a vizier.31 Babur, who met him in
Khorasan, attests that his poems (almost exclusively ghazals) contain "color and feeling" (rang-u
mufîd), but they do not convey "passion and enthusiasm" (ʿisq-u ḥâl). Babur further suspects that
Asafi, by remarking that he did not want to compile a divan, was inaccurately trying to boast of
his modesty, since this was done by his younger brother and close relatives (179b). Another poet
of Sultan Husayn Mirza, Sayfî from Bukhara, was also a mulla; to underline this, he sometimes
presented a list of the books he had read. He wrote two divans, one of which deals with the
benefits of craftsmanship. There are also numerous parables (masal), but no mesnevi; the poet's
programmatic renunciation is justified in a Persian qiṭʿa quoted by Babur: "Although mathnawi
is the stock in trade of poets, / I consider the ghazal obligatory upon myself. / If there are five
lines that are pleasing / they are better than the two Khamsas."32 Sayfi's Persian work on poetry
did not find favor with Babur, as it dealt with the important matters too briefly or not at all, while
dealing with the unimportant in great detail. He was a heavy drinker who could become very
unpleasant when drunk; he also possessed strength in his fists (180b). A Shayxulislam of Sultan
Husayn Mirza, Mir ʿAṭaʾullah of Mashhad, wrote a treatise on the art of rhyme in Persian.
According to Babur, a major flaw is that the examples are all taken from his own poems, and the
explanations always begin with the words "As can be observed in the following verses of your
humble servant...".33 However, the work is entirely meritorious and successful, which even his
opponents acknowledge. Another treatise, Badayiʿ al-sanayiʿ ('Wonders of (Poetry) Art'), even
receives the rating "very good" (xaylî yaxšï) (179a).
Babur’s
Babur-name
presents a unique perspective on literature and literary criticism, reflecting
the social and political roles of literature during his time. His judgments on poets and literary
figures, both positive and negative, reveal his engagement with the cultural dynamics of his era.
Babur's literary approach is also reflected in his personal involvement with literature, influencing
those around him and leaving a significant imprint on the literary landscape. This article provides
valuable insights into Babur's literary views and contributes to understanding the distinctive
characteristics of literature during the Timurid period.
Bibliography:
1. Babur, Zahiruddin Muhammad.
Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor.
Translated by
Annette Susannah Beveridge
, 2nd ed., Oxford University Press, 1921.
2.
Babur,
Zahiruddin
Muhammad.
Baburnama: The Memoirs of Babur.
Translated by
Michael M. Edwards
, Modern Library, 2002.
3. Babur, Zahiruddin Muhammad.
Baburnama: Das Buch Babur.
Translated by
Manfred Götz
,
Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 2002.
4. Beveridge, Annette Susannah.
The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor.
2nd
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ed.,
Oxford University Press
, 1921.
5.
Beveridge,
Annette
Susannah
(Translator).
Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor.
Oxford University Press, 1921.
6.
Seldon,
James,
and
J.H.
McCulloch.
Literary and Cultural Role in Timurid Society.
Cambridge University Press, 1985.
7. Rieu, E.
A History of Persian Literature: Baburnama’s Contexts.
Cambridge University Press,
1991.
8. Atai, M. Reza.
The Cultural History of the Timurid Empire.
Harvard University Press, 2005.
9. Blankenhorn, Heinrich.
Baburnama: Die Chroniken von Babur, Fürst und Kaiser.
Tübingen
University Press, 1998.
10. Khalidov, B. Sh.
Babur and His Literary Legacy.
Translated by
Igor M. Sergeev
, Uzbekiston
National Publishing House, 2004.
11. Bharucha, Rukmini.
Babur's Poetic Tradition: A Comparative Study.
New York University
Press, 2010.
12.
Götz,
Manfred.
Baburnama und die Timuridische Gesellschaft.
Tübingen University Press, 2003.
