The article highlights the formation and ideological foundations of the political ideology of modern neoconservatism in the United States on the basis of the analysis of scientific literature. By the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the ideology of neoconservatism had a special place in the political life of the United States. In certain periods, the state had a significant influence on political decision-making. In particular, during the government of the Republican party in the United States, neoconservatism takes priority in the formation of domestic and foreign policy concepts. The ideology of neoconservatism of the United States is characterized by such characteristics as the promotion of democracy in the world, interference in political processes in different regions, the widespread use of military means in the system of global ideological processes. In particular, in the last decades, the foreign policy of the United States in different regions has become more neoconservative. The influence of neoconservatism ideologists on the formation of foreign political approaches aimed at the fight against terrorism and the decision-making of democratic values in states with authoritarian regimes was strong, and in the discourse of ideological-political processes, geo-ideological struggle in the Middle East region also demonstrated that neoconservatism has its influence. Research in the field of neoconservatism is carried out mainly by foreign research centers, scientific institutions and "think tanks". The main attention is paid to the evolution of the external political ideology of neoconservatism. The article analyzes the evolution of the formation of the ideology of neoconservatism in the USA, its impact on domestic and foreign policy processes as a political ideology, the development trend of the views of the founders of neoconservatism, the formation and institutionalization of the neo-conservative structures based on foreign studies, scientific literature, internet sources. The article also highlights the integrative features of the formation of ideological and theoretical foundations of the ideology of neoconservatism in the United States.
The article analyses history of political place and role of the Temurids as Shahrukh and his son Ulughbek in Mogolistan continent (East Turkestan) , and also bilateral political, diplomatic relations between them in the middle of XV century based on historical sources.
Внешняя политика Великобритании после выхода из Европейского союза (BREXIT) проходит через ряд изменений и адаптацию к новым геополитическим реалиям. После завершения переговоров о выходе, Великобритания вступила в период переориентации своей внешней политики и сотрудничества со странами по всему миру.
Одной из главных целей новой внешней политики Великобритании является укрепление своей позиции в мировом сообществе, установление новых торговых партнерств и развитие более гибких отношений с другими государствами. После выхода из ЕС, Великобритания начала активно вести переговоры о заключении торговых соглашений с различными государствами и региональными блоками.
The article analyzes the essence, definition, theory and paradigms of cultural diplomacy, international relations, "soft power", theoretical and conceptual foundations of the history of diplomacy, features of models of cultural diplomacy of leading foreign countries and its implementation in Uzbekistan. On this basis, methodological approaches to the study of the history of cultural diplomacy are discussed.
Alphabets used by Turkic-speaking peoples have always been the subject of investigation by researchers. Historically, many Turks have taken advantage of alphabets and the adoption of the alphabet has been linked to many factors. Turkish peoples in the past, so as historical integrity of its territory, language, alphabet and a lot of exposure to changes in the financial and moral values was no coincidence. The event, which is full of contradictions deep roots in the wars, massacres, has caused losses. Despite all this, the Turkic-speaking peoples, who are always at the heart of their attributes to preserve national and moral values, has been able to transmit from generation to generation. Most of the examples of Kazakh folk literature published by orientalists such as N.I. Ilminski, P.M. Melioransky, N.N. Pantusov, A.E. Alektorov, A.V. Vasilyev are published in the Cyrillic alphabet; Textbooks of the famous Kazakh educator Ibrai Altinsari in the Cyrillic alphabet were published in the 1870s. The first works of the Kazakh written language were published in Kazan, Orenburg, Ufa, Troitsk, and St. Petersburg. Until the first half of the twentieth century, these works were published in the Arabic alphabet, the common writing system of the Turkic world. At the time of the publication of the Kazakh-Turkish texts in the Arabic alphabet, books in the Cyrillic alphabet were also published for the Kazakhs in the 1860s in order to study the Cyrillic alphabet by the Kazakhs and to spread this alphabet. Today, the transition of Kazakhstan, one of the Turkic-speaking republics that gained independence after the collapse of the USSR, to a common Turkish alphabet is one of the most controversial. Kazakhstan, Central Asia, and has deep historical roots in the struggle of the alphabet. Research for this paper was carried out in Kazakhstan will try to give a broad struggle of the alphabet.
The article deals with the theoretical and methodical issues of formation and expression of state legal policy in law-making sphere. The author analyzes the essence, mechanism and principles of formation of legislative strategy, its structural elements and realization problems
The article studies the regional politics of Syria, analyzes the evolution and transformation of the foreign policy of official Damascus. This article examines the political background of the emergence and development of the regional problem, discusses its characteristics, and analyzes the external factors that have influenced and are influencing the evolution of the Middle East problem. It presents assessment results of the Syrian's leadership politics on building relations with the countries of the Middle East. The article also analyzes the circumstances of the armed conflict in Syria. The questions relating to the development of Syria's foreign policy are studied, factors influencing its regional policy are analyzed and Syria’s position on specific areas of the Middle East problem is disclosed. A number of factors influencing the evolution of Syria's foreign policy in the new geopolitical situation in the region is analyzed in this article. Syria's foreign policy activities are considered, taking into account external influences and contacts, the impact of which has affected the political life of the country. The article devotes considerable attention to the analysis of foreign orientalists' studies of Syria’s domestic and foreign policy in general and bilateral relations with SAR individual countries. It is noted that the scientific works of foreign researchers are mainly aimed at the study of domestic policy, the military-political situation in Syria, inter-confessional relations, as well as some aspects of Syria's foreign policy, the specifics of the foreign policy situation as a whole, mechanisms for making foreign policy decisions. It is noted that there is still a need for a comprehensive study of certain aspects of Syria's domestic and foreign policy at the present stage.
In this article the author conducted a retrospective analysis of the Criminal Code, which examines the state policy in the sphere of liberalization of the punishment. In particular, the article analyzes made in connection liberalization penalties amendments to the Criminal Code of the Republic of Uzbekistan, which resulted in the criminal policy of the state in the sphere of liberalization of punishments are divided into several stages. And s a result of the research are a few areas the prospects of further development of the criminal policy of liberalization of punishment.
Мақолада Ўзбекистон Республикасида олиб борилаётган инновацион сиёсат ва инновациянинг моҳияти ҳамда уни иқтисодиёт тармоқларига киритиш, мамлакат иқтисодиётининг инновацион ривожланиш стратегияси ва модели, инновациялар ва тадбиркорликни мустаҳкамлаш учун бозор механизмларидан самарали фойдаланиш, инновацион сиёсатини тўғри шакллантириш, йўналишини тўғри белгилаб олиш, инновацион стратегиясини тезкор режалаштириш масалалари баён қилинган. Шунингдек хориж давлатларида қўлланиладиган инновацион тажрибалар келтирилган.
The article examines the views of economists studied tariff policy and tariffs for services and formed the author's independent approach to the concepts of “tariff of bank service” and “bank tariff policy”. Also, the main aspects of the practice of forming tariffs for banking services in commercial banks of foreign countries were studied. As a result of the study, proposals and recommendations were developed on improving the tariff policy of commercial banks.
Мазкур мақолада тижорат банклари жамланма балансида кузатилаётган ўзгаришлар, банк тизимига жалб этилган миллий ва хорижий валютадаги депозитларнинг таркибий тузилмаси ҳамда улар бўйича юзага келган
ўртача фоиз ставкалари динамикасининг кўп омилли таҳлили асосида тижорат банклари депозит операциялари самарадорлиги ҳамда ресурс базасини мустаҳкамлашдаги ролини ошириш билан боғлиқ долзарб муаммолар ва уларни бартараф этиш юзасидан амалий тавсиялар ўз аксини топган. Шунингдек, мамлакат тижорат банкларида депозит сиёсатини ишлаб чиқиш жараёнини такомиллаштириш юзасидан илмий таклифлар шакллантирилган.
The Cold War was not only traditional in international relations next phase of the struggle for world domination, but also an ideological war aimed to impose on the opposing powers a certain value system, social structure, political regime, etc. As a result the ideological conflict of the opposing powers became an important component of the Cold War. With the end of the Cold War the problems of «end of history» and the “end of ideologies” were actualized on the West. It became about an axiom that the world politics lost its ideological dimension. In fact, however, ideological component is deeply integrated into the emerging «new» world order. Even the dominance of Western countries in the emerging system of international relations was legitimated by the postulates of neo-liberalism. The coming to power in the USA of president D. Trump and changes in American foreign policy stress a deep transformation in the modern system of international 51 relations. Unconditional dominance of the liberal paradigm in global scale is gradually coming to an end. This process is accelerated due to the completion of the «unipolar moment» in world politics and process of step by step formation of a polycentric world order. The world is entering to a turbulent era. And one of its main features will probably be decline of ideology influence and the strengthening of political realism as an intellectual dominant in making decisions in dynamic and unclear international environment.
The Cold War was not only traditional in international relations next phase of the struggle for world domination, but also an ideological war aimed to impose on the opposing powers a certain value system, social structure, political regime, etc. As a result the ideological conflict of the opposing powers became an important component of the Cold War. With the end of the Cold War the problems of «end of history» and the “end of ideologies” were actualized on the West. It became about an axiom that the world politics lost its ideological dimension. In fact, however, ideological component is deeply integrated into the emerging «new» world order. Even the dominance of Western countries in the emerging system of international relations was legitimated by the postulates of neo-liberalism. The coming to power in the USA of president D. Trump and changes in American foreign policy stress a deep transformation in the modern system of international 51 relations. Unconditional dominance of the liberal paradigm in global scale is gradually coming to an end. This process is accelerated due to the completion of the «unipolar moment» in world politics and process of step by step formation of a polycentric world order. The world is entering to a turbulent era. And one of its main features will probably be decline of ideology influence and the strengthening of political realism as an intellectual dominant in making decisions in dynamic and unclear international environment.
The article analyzes the main factors and conditions that influenced the formation of relations between Turkey and Syria in the 1990s, and discusses the reasons for the competition that these countries have created in protecting their interests in the region. The development and implementation of Syria's foreign policy towards Turkey and the attitude of Damascus to large hydropower projects planned by the Turkish government in the region are disclosed. The article shows the negotiations of Syrian officials with the Kurdish Workers' Party and the sharp refusal of the Ankara administration to do so. At the same time, Syria's policy towards strengthening Turkish-Israeli relations and the influence of the Turkish-Israeli military alliance on the intensification of its foreign policy towards the Arab countries were analyzed. Preventive measures to counter the military cooperation agreement signed between Turkey and Israel proved to be an important element of Syria's Middle East foreign policy in the 1990s. The reasons for the political confrontation between Turkey and Syria are discussed in the dynamics of its change in the 1990s, thereby assessing the evolution of the policy of the two countries in the region.
The article examines Iran's active efforts to establish cooperation in the field of educational and cultural projects with the states of the region are shown. An overview is given of Iran's potential in Central Asia to use soft power, particularly public diplomacy, and examples of Tehran's use of these resources are shown. The reaction of the political elites of Central Asian countries to the policy of Tehran is studied. The dynamics of Iranian presence in the Central Asian educational market are analyzed. In particular, the increase of Iranian presence in the educational market of Kyrgyzstan and its relative decrease in Tajikistan in recent years are noted. It also reveals the peculiarities of Iranian education policy in Central Asian states and the fear of local elites about the growing influence of religious identity in the region.